75 resultados para Union Society, Savannah, Ga.

em University of Queensland eSpace - Australia


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Human sulfotransferase SULT1A1 is an important phase II xenobiotic metabolizing enzyme that is highly expressed in the liver and mediates the sulfonation of drugs, carcinogens, and steroids. Until this study, the transcriptional regulation of the SULT1A subfamily had been largely unexplored. Preliminary experiments in primary human hepatocytes showed that SULT1A mRNA levels were not changed in response to nuclear receptor activators, such as dexamethasone and 3-methylcolanthrene, unlike other metabolizing enzymes. Using HepG2 cells, the high activity of the TATA-less SULT1A1 promoter was shown to be dependent on the presence of Sp1 and Ets transcription factor binding sites (EBS), located within - 112 nucleotides from the transcriptional start site. The homologous promoter of the closely related SULT1A3 catecholamine sulfotransferase, which is expressed at negligible levels in the adult liver, displayed 70% less activity than SULT1A1. This was shown to be caused by a two-base pair difference in the EBS. The Ets transcription factor GA binding protein (GABP) was shown to bind the SULT1A1 EBS and could transactivate the SULT1A1 promoter in Drosophila melanogaster S2 cells. Cotransfection of Sp1 could synergistically enhance GABP-mediated activation by 10-fold. Although Sp1 and GABP alone could induce SULT1A3 promoter activity, the lack of the EBS on this promoter prevented a synergistic interaction between the two factors. This study reports the first insight into the transcriptional regulation of the SULT1A1 gene and identifies a crucial difference in regulation of the closely related SULT1A3 gene, which accounts for the two enzymes' differential expression patterns observed in the adult liver.

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Industrial relations research that attempts to grapple with individuals' union-related sentiments and activities often draws on one of two traditions of psychological research—the individual-level factors tradition (for example, personality and attitude-behaviour relations) and the social context tradition (for example, frustration-aggression and relative deprivation). This paper provides an overview of research conducted from within these traditions to explain union-related phenomena and identifies some of the limitations that arise as a consequence of a shared tendency to treat people in an atomistic fashion. The paper argues for an understanding of the psychological processes that underpin group-based action. To this end, it elaborates a theoretical framework based on social identity theory and self-categorisation theory that would allow us to examine the dynamic interplay between the individual, their cognitions and their environment. The paper concludes with a brief discussion of a specific case of union mobilisation, to indicate how this theoretical framework might aid empirical analysis.

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This paper derives the performance union bound of space-time trellis codes in orthogonal frequency division multiplexing system (STTC-OFDM) over quasi-static frequency selective fading channels based on the distance spectrum technique. The distance spectrum is the enumeration of the codeword difference measures and their multiplicities by exhausted searching through all the possible error event paths. Exhaustive search approach can be used for low memory order STTC with small frame size. However with moderate memory order STTC and moderate frame size the computational cost of exhaustive search increases exponentially, and may become impractical for high memory order STTCs. This requires advanced computational techniques such as Genetic Algorithms (GAS). In this paper, a GA with sharing function method is used to locate the multiple solutions of the distance spectrum for high memory order STTCs. Simulation evaluates the performance union bound and the complexity comparison of non-GA aided and GA aided distance spectrum techniques. It shows that the union bound give a close performance measure at high signal-to-noise ratio (SNR). It also shows that GA sharing function method based distance spectrum technique requires much less computational time as compared with exhaustive search approach but with satisfactory accuracy.

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The starting point of this thesis was a desire to explain the rapid demise in the popularity which the Communist Party enjoyed in Queensland during the second world war. Wartime Queensland gave the Australian Communist Party its highest state vote and six years later Queensland again gave the Communist Party its highest state vote - this time however, to ban the Party. From this I was led into exploring the changing policies, beliefs and strategies of the Party, as well as the many sub-groups on its periphery, and the shifts in public response to these. In 1939 Townsville elected Australia's first Communist alderman. Five years later, Bowen elected not only Australia's first but also the British Empire's first, Communist state government member. Of the five electorates the Australian Communist Party contested in the 1944 Queensland State elections, in none did the Party's candidate receive less than twenty per-cent of the formal vote. Not only was the Party seemingly enjoying considerable popular support but this was occurring in a State which, but for the Depression years (May 1929 - June 1932) had elected a Labor State Government at every state election since 1915. In the September 1951 Constitution Alteration Referendum, 'Powers To Deal With Communists and Communism', Queensland regist¬ered the nation's highest "Yes" majority - 55.76% of the valid vote. Only two other states registered a majority in favour of the referendum's proposals, Western Australia and Tasmania. As this research was undertaken it became evident that while various trends exhibited at the time, anti-Communism, the work of the Industrial Groups, Labor opportunism, local area feelings, ideological shifts of the Party, tactics of Communist-led unions, etc., were present throughout the entire period, they were best seen when divided into three chronological phases of the Party's history and popularity. The first period covers the consolidation of the Party's post-Depression popularity during the war years as it benefited from the Soviet Union's colossal contribution to the Allied war efforts, and this support continued for some six months or so after the war. Throughout the period Communist strength within the trade union movement greatly increased as did total Party membership. The second period was marked by a rapid series of events starting in March 1946, with Winston Churchill's "Official Opening" of the Cold War by his sweeping attack on Communism and Russia, at Fulton. Several days later the first of a series of long and bitter strikes in Communist-led unions occurred, as the Party mobil¬ized for what it believed would be a series of attacks on the working class from a ruling class, defending a capitalist system on the verge of an economic collapse. It was a period when the Party believed this ruling class was using Labor reformism as a last desperate 'carrot' to get workers to accept their lot within a capitalist economic framework. Out of the Meat Strike emerged the Industrial Groups, who waged not only a determined war against Communist trade union leadership but also encouraged the A.W.U.-influenced State Labor apparatus to even greater anti-Communist antagonisms. The Communist Party's increasing militancy and Labor's resistance to it, ended finally in the collapse of the Chifley Labor government. Characteristically the third period opens with the Communist Party making an another about-face, desperately trying to form an alliance with the Labor Party and curbing its former adventurist industrial policy, as it prepared for Menzies' direct assault. The Communist Party's activities were greatly reduced, a function of both a declining member-ship and, furthermore, a membership reluctant to confront an increasingly hostile society. In examining the changing policies, beliefs and strategies of the Party and the shifts in public response to these, I have tried to distinguish between general trends occurring within Australia and the national party, and trends peculiar to Queensland and the Queensland branch of the Party, The Communist Party suffered a decline in support and membership right across Australia throughout this period as a result of the national policies of the Party, and the changing nature of world politics. There were particular features of this decline that were peculiar to Queensland. I have, however, singled out three features of particular importance throughout the period for a short but more specifically detailed analysis, than would be possible in a purely chronological study: i.e. the Party's structure, the Party's ideological subservience to Moscow, and the general effect upon it of the Cold War.

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In mapping the evolutionary process of online news and the socio-cultural factors determining this development, this paper has a dual purpose. First, in reworking the definition of “online communication”, it argues that despite its seemingly sudden emergence in the 1990s, the history of online news started right in the early days of the telegraphs and spread throughout the development of the telephone and the fax machine before becoming computer-based in the 1980s and Web-based in the 1990s. Second, merging macro-perspectives on the dynamic of media evolution by DeFleur and Ball-Rokeach (1989) and Winston (1998), the paper consolidates a critical point for thinking about new media development: that something technically feasible does not always mean that it will be socially accepted and/or demanded. From a producer-centric perspective, the birth and development of pre-Web online news forms have been more or less generated by the traditional media’s sometimes excessive hype about the power of new technologies. However, placing such an emphasis on technological potentials at the expense of their social conditions not only can be misleading but also can be detrimental to the development of new media, including the potential of today’s online news.

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People listening to speakers during the Union for Civil Liberties Demonstration September 1967 in Brisbane. The demonstration was called by the Trades and Labour Council of Queensland to protest against police treatment of university students and staff in Roma Street, Brisbane during a protest march. The march, from the University of Queensland to the city, had been held a few days earlier.

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Combined Railways Union float during Mayday procession in 1965, Brisbane, Australia. Banners read Stop menacing hand of Vietnam War and 50,000 people used Beenleigh Southport line in 1963.

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Members of the Union of Australian Women with banner during Hiroshima Day 1964, Brisbane, Australia. The Union of Australian Women is a national organisation that was formed in 1950. Its aim is to work for the status and wellbeing of women across the world. It has been involved in a wide variety of campaigns that concern women. The Union of Australian Women networks with other women's community and union groups on such issues.

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This book explains the international engagement with the Kosovo conflict from the dissolution of Yugoslavia to Operation Allied Force. It shows how Kosovo was deliberately excluded from the search for peace in Yugoslavia before going on to demonstrate how a shaky international consensus was forged to support air strikes in 1999. In doing so, it exposes many of the myths and conspiracy theories that have developed about the war and explains the dilemmas facing actors in this unfolding drama.

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