Queensland Trades and Labor Council float with banner during Labour Day march Brisbane 1965

Queensland Trades and Labor Council float with banner during the Labor Day procession, May 1965, Brisbane Australia.

Equal pay for equal work

Truck from Jackson Pty Ltd with banner for equal pay for equal work during the 1965 May Day march, in Roma Street, Brisbane, Australia. Truck also has Queensland Trades and Labour Council of Queensland and affiliated unions banner. Facade of buildings including Vetoy and Foley Bros can be seen in the background.

Trade unionists unite to win banner in Mayday march Brisbane 1965

Truck with banner Trade unionists unite to win in Brisbane, Australia, during the Labor Day procession, May 1965. Truck has another banner Trades and Labor Council of Queensland and affiliated unions.

Free Zarb banner in Mayday procession in Brisbane, Australia 1969

Free Zarb banner in Mayday procession in Brisbane, Australia 1969Truck has another banner Trades and Labor Council of Queensland and affiliated unions. Banner reads Free Zarb and other political prisoners - gaoled for refusing to kill, end conscription. Facade of KR Darling Downs building can be seen in the background.

Union for Civil Liberties Demonstration 1967 Brisbane Australia

People listening to speakers during the Union for Civil Liberties Demonstration September 1967 in Brisbane. The demonstration was called by the Trades and Labour Council of Queensland to protest against police treatment of university students and staff in Roma Street, Brisbane during a protest march. The march, from the University of Queensland to the city, had been held a few days earlier.

In the most high and palmy state of Queensland

Peter Beattie's efforts to improve the lives of Indigenous Australians needs support.

Investigations into the PCDD contamination of topsoil, river sediments and kaolinite clay in Queensland, Australia

Recent findings of elevated PCDDs from an unknown source in the coastal marine environment of Queensland, Australia has instigated further investigations into the distribution of, and environments associated with the PCDD contamination. This study presents data for OCDD concentrations in the coastal, mountainous and inland environment of Queensland. Additionally, full 2,3,7,8-substituted polychlorinated dibenzo-p-dioxins and dibenzofuran (PCDD/F) profiles from different land-use types and environments in the coastal region were analysed. Distinct east-west gradients were detected in topsoil collected from various bushland regions with elevated OCDD concentrations confined to the coastal region. However, PCDD/F results from topsoil and river sediments collected in the Queensland coastal region suggest that elevated OCDD concentrations cannot be attributed to any of the environments, land-use or industry types investigated. PCDD/F congener profiles from select samples were remarkably similar to those previously described in marine sediments collected along the entire Queensland coastline. In addition, kaolinite clay samples from Queensland exhibited elevated OCDD concentrations, and PCDD/F profiles in these samples were similar to those detected in kaolinite clays elsewhere. Natural formation processes have been hypothesised as the source of elevated PCDDs in Queensland and other locations, where similar PCDD/F profiles and the general lack of anthropogenic sources are evident. This study presents additional data supporting this hypothesis and provides further information that may assist in the identification of the processes involved in the natural formation of PCDDs. (C) 2002 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

Communism and Public Opinion in Queensland, 1939-1951 : An Explanation of Queensland's Vote in the 1951 Anti-Communist Referendum

The starting point of this thesis was a desire to explain the rapid demise in the popularity which the Communist Party enjoyed in Queensland during the second world war. Wartime Queensland gave the Australian Communist Party its highest state vote and six years later Queensland again gave the Communist Party its highest state vote - this time however, to ban the Party. From this I was led into exploring the changing policies, beliefs and strategies of the Party, as well as the many sub-groups on its periphery, and the shifts in public response to these. In 1939 Townsville elected Australia's first Communist alderman. Five years later, Bowen elected not only Australia's first but also the British Empire's first, Communist state government member. Of the five electorates the Australian Communist Party contested in the 1944 Queensland State elections, in none did the Party's candidate receive less than twenty per-cent of the formal vote. Not only was the Party seemingly enjoying considerable popular support but this was occurring in a State which, but for the Depression years (May 1929 - June 1932) had elected a Labor State Government at every state election since 1915. In the September 1951 Constitution Alteration Referendum, 'Powers To Deal With Communists and Communism', Queensland regist¬ered the nation's highest "Yes" majority - 55.76% of the valid vote. Only two other states registered a majority in favour of the referendum's proposals, Western Australia and Tasmania. As this research was undertaken it became evident that while various trends exhibited at the time, anti-Communism, the work of the Industrial Groups, Labor opportunism, local area feelings, ideological shifts of the Party, tactics of Communist-led unions, etc., were present throughout the entire period, they were best seen when divided into three chronological phases of the Party's history and popularity. The first period covers the consolidation of the Party's post-Depression popularity during the war years as it benefited from the Soviet Union's colossal contribution to the Allied war efforts, and this support continued for some six months or so after the war. Throughout the period Communist strength within the trade union movement greatly increased as did total Party membership. The second period was marked by a rapid series of events starting in March 1946, with Winston Churchill's "Official Opening" of the Cold War by his sweeping attack on Communism and Russia, at Fulton. Several days later the first of a series of long and bitter strikes in Communist-led unions occurred, as the Party mobil¬ized for what it believed would be a series of attacks on the working class from a ruling class, defending a capitalist system on the verge of an economic collapse. It was a period when the Party believed this ruling class was using Labor reformism as a last desperate 'carrot' to get workers to accept their lot within a capitalist economic framework. Out of the Meat Strike emerged the Industrial Groups, who waged not only a determined war against Communist trade union leadership but also encouraged the A.W.U.-influenced State Labor apparatus to even greater anti-Communist antagonisms. The Communist Party's increasing militancy and Labor's resistance to it, ended finally in the collapse of the Chifley Labor government. Characteristically the third period opens with the Communist Party making an another about-face, desperately trying to form an alliance with the Labor Party and curbing its former adventurist industrial policy, as it prepared for Menzies' direct assault. The Communist Party's activities were greatly reduced, a function of both a declining member-ship and, furthermore, a membership reluctant to confront an increasingly hostile society. In examining the changing policies, beliefs and strategies of the Party and the shifts in public response to these, I have tried to distinguish between general trends occurring within Australia and the national party, and trends peculiar to Queensland and the Queensland branch of the Party, The Communist Party suffered a decline in support and membership right across Australia throughout this period as a result of the national policies of the Party, and the changing nature of world politics. There were particular features of this decline that were peculiar to Queensland. I have, however, singled out three features of particular importance throughout the period for a short but more specifically detailed analysis, than would be possible in a purely chronological study: i.e. the Party's structure, the Party's ideological subservience to Moscow, and the general effect upon it of the Cold War.