8 resultados para The discourse of critical

em University of Queensland eSpace - Australia


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In this article I critically examine the theoretical and empirical relationship between world society, whereby global civil society is taken to be its physical or empirical counterpart, and the society of states. This relationship is typically portrayed as contradictory or confrontational, and I contend that this mainstream perspective is reliant on a superficial analysis of the relationship. If one examines the deeper dynamics, viewed in their contemporary international normative context, then one can identify the more constructive and permissive aspects of the relationship. Rather than being wholly incompatible I argue that world society and international society are mutually constitutive and mutually dependent regimes, whose relationship is more often marked by cooperation than by conflict. English School theory provides the conceptual framework for this analysis. The relationship between international and world society presents a core ontological tension within this theory, and again they tend to occupy polarised positions. A synthesis of four international theories - pluralist international society theory, solidarist international society theory, critical international theory, and the discourse of global civil society - informs the hypothesis that the relationship can be normatively and empirically reconciled. In order to empirically support this explanation I analyse two phenomena in world politics - transnational advocacy networks and humanitarian intervention - where there is an apparent tension between international and world society.

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The current global development project appears to be premised on the assumption that underlying political debates over development have been settled. An upshot of this is that development is reduced to the theoretical, ideological and legal framework of a neo-liberal political order. However, implicit, and sometimes explicit, political dynamics of development can be rendered from a perspective that foregrounds social struggles. I offer a political analysis of the PRSP initiative by examining its evolution and implications considered within social and political contexts, and by specific reference to the 'poverty reduction' interventions that emerged in the 1980s. I argue that the PRSP initiative is best understood as the formation of a comprehensive extension of neo-liberal strategic responses that emerged in the 1980s. In this context, I discuss the example of microcredit schemes in relation to the PRSP process and demonstrate the analytical significance of micro-political social relations for political analyses of development. The approach I adopt reveals social struggles as relationally constitutive of formations of a hegemonic development discourse otherwise ostensibly rendered in de-contextualized terms. From the perspective of critical development analysis such struggles are the concrete expressions of the contradictions immanent to the dialectic of development through inequality and immiseration in the (re)production of social power.

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Heat stroke is a life-threatening condition that can be fatal if not appropriately managed. Although heat stroke has been recognised as a medical condition for centuries, a universally accepted definition of heat stroke is lacking and the pathology of heat stroke is not fully understood. Information derived from autopsy reports and the clinical presentation of patients with heat stroke indicates that hyperthermia, septicaemia, central nervous system impairment and cardiovascular failure play important roles in the pathology of heat stroke. The current models of heat stroke advocate that heat stroke is triggered by hyperthermia but is driven by endotoxaemia. Endotoxaemia triggers the systemic inflammatory response, which can lead to systemic coagulation and haemorrhage, necrosis, cell death and multi-organ failure. However, the current heat stroke models cannot fully explain the discrepancies in high core temperature (Tc) as a trigger of heat stroke within and between individuals. Research on the concept of critical Tc: as a limitation to endurance exercise implies that a high Tc may function as a signal to trigger the protective mechanisms against heat stroke. Athletes undergoing a period of intense training are subjected to a variety of immune and gastrointestinal (GI) disturbances. The immune disturbances include the suppression of immune cells and their functions, suppression of cell-mediated immunity, translocation of lipopolysaccharide (LPS), suppression of anti-LPS antibodies, increased macrophage activity due to muscle tissue damage, and increased concentration of circulating inflammatory and pyrogenic cytokines. Common symptoms of exercise-induced GI disturbances include diarrhoea, vomiting, gastrointestinal bleeding, and cramps, which may increase gut-related LPS translocation. This article discusses the current evidence that supports the argument that these exercise-induced immune and GI disturbances may contribute to the development of endotoxaemia and heat stroke. When endotoxaemia can be tolerated or prevented, continuing exercise and heat exposure will elevate Tc to a higher level (> 42 degrees C), where heat stroke may occur through the direct thermal effects of heat on organ tissues and cells. We also discuss the evidence suggesting that heat stroke may occur through endotoxaemia (heat sepsis), the primary pathway of heat stroke, or hyperthermia, the secondary pathway of heat stroke. The existence of these two pathways of heat stroke and the contribution of exercise-induced immune and GI disturbances in the primary pathway of heat stroke are illustrated in the dual pathway model of heat stroke. This model of heat stroke suggests that prolonged intense exercise suppresses anti-LPS mechanisms, and promotes inflammatory and pyrogenic activities in the pathway of heat stroke.

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Although the current level of organic production in industrialised countries amounts to little more than 1-2 percent, it is recognised that one of the major issues shaping agricultural output over the next several decades will be the demand for organic produce (Dixon et al. 2001). In Australia, the issues of healthy food and environmental concern contribute to increasing demand and market volumes for organic produce. However, in Indonesia, using more economical inputs for organic production is a supply-side factor driving organic production. For individual growers and processors, conversion from conventional to organic agriculture is often a challenging step, entailing a thorough revision of established practices and heightened market insecurity. This paper examines the potential for a systems approach to the analysis of the conversion process, to yield insights for household and community decisions. A framework for applying farming systems research to investigate the benefits of organic production in both Australia and Indonesia is discussed. The framework incorporates scope for farmer participation, crucial to the understanding of farming systems; analysis of production; and relationships to resources, technologies, markets, services, policies and institutions in their local cultural context. A systems approach offers the potential to internalise the external effects that may be constraining decisions to convert to organic production, and for the design of decision-making tools to assist households and the community. Systems models can guide policy design and serve as a mechanism for predicting the impact of changes to the policy and market environments. The increasing emphasis of farming systems research on community and environment in recent years is in keeping with the proposed application to organic production, processing and marketing issues. The approach will also facilitate the analysis of critical aspects of the Australian production, marketing and policy environment, and the investigation of these same features in an Indonesian context.

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In this article we take a discourse-historical approach to illustrate the significance of George W Bush's (2001) declaration of a 'war on terror'. We present four exemplary 'call to arms' speeches by Pope Urban 11 (1095), Queen Elizabeth I (1588), Adolf Hitler (1938) and George W Bush (2001) to exemplify the structure, function, and historical significance of such texts in western societies over the last millennium. We identify four generic features that have endured in such texts throughout this period: (i) an appeal to a legitimate power source that is external to the orator, and which is presented as inherently good; (ii) an appeal to the historical importance of the culture in which the discourse is situated; (iii) the construction of a thoroughly evil Other; and (iv) an appeal for unification behind the legitimating external power source. We argue further that such texts typically appear in historical contexts characterized by deep crises in political legitimacy.