Temporal aspects of the VO2 response at the power output associated with VO2peak in well trained cyclists: Implications for interval training prescription

The power output achieved at peak oxygen consumption (VO2 peak) and the time this power can be maintained (i.e., Tmax) have been used in prescribing high-intensity interval training. In this context, the present study examined temporal aspects of the VO2 response to exercise at the cycling power that output well trained cyclists achieve their VO2 peak (i.e., Pmax). Following a progressive exercise test to determine VO2 peak, 43 well trained male cyclists (M age = 25 years, SD = 6; M mass = 75 kg SD = 7; M VO2 peak = 64.8 ml(.)kg(1.)min(-1), SD = 5.2) performed two Tmax tests 1 week apart.1. Values expressed for each participant are means and standard deviations of these two tests. Participants achieved a mean VO2 peak during the Tmax test after 176 s (SD = 40; = 74% of Tmax, SD = 12) and maintained it for 66 s (SD = 39; M = 26% of Tmax, SD = 12). Additionally they obtained mean 95 % of VO2 peak after 147 s (SD = 31; M = 62 % of Tmax, SD = 8) and maintained it for 95 s (SD = 38; M = 38 % of Tmax, SD = 8). These results suggest that 60-70% of Tmax is an appropriate exercise duration for a population of well trained cyclists to attain VO2 peak during exercise at Pmax. However due to intraparticipant variability in the temporal aspects of the VO2 response to exercise at Pmax, future research is needed to examine whether individual high-intensity interval training programs for well trained endurance athletes might best be prescribed according to an athlete's individual VO2 response to exercise at Pmax.

The Society of States under siege? An English School perspective on the emergence of global civil society

In this article I critically examine the theoretical and empirical relationship between world society, whereby global civil society is taken to be its physical or empirical counterpart, and the society of states. This relationship is typically portrayed as contradictory or confrontational, and I contend that this mainstream perspective is reliant on a superficial analysis of the relationship. If one examines the deeper dynamics, viewed in their contemporary international normative context, then one can identify the more constructive and permissive aspects of the relationship. Rather than being wholly incompatible I argue that world society and international society are mutually constitutive and mutually dependent regimes, whose relationship is more often marked by cooperation than by conflict. English School theory provides the conceptual framework for this analysis. The relationship between international and world society presents a core ontological tension within this theory, and again they tend to occupy polarised positions. A synthesis of four international theories - pluralist international society theory, solidarist international society theory, critical international theory, and the discourse of global civil society - informs the hypothesis that the relationship can be normatively and empirically reconciled. In order to empirically support this explanation I analyse two phenomena in world politics - transnational advocacy networks and humanitarian intervention - where there is an apparent tension between international and world society.

Politics and parties: Neglected aspects of postmaterial value change

Inglehart’s thesis of postmaterial value change is one of the most influential accounts of social and political change in advanced Western nations. This paper uses data from the World Values Survey and the Australian Election Surveys to reexamine the relationship between age and values in 19 advanced industrial nations. We find evidence of a monotonic age structuring of values in a number of countries, but in others, the relationship between age and values is not as Inglehart would predict. In addition, the impact of birth cohort on values differs between countries that are dominated by two major parties and those where there are many smaller parties. The presence of successful Green parties is also important for enhancing the uptake of postmaterialist values. These findings suggest that Inglehart’s arguments about generational value change should be modified to take into account national political institutions and political cultures that might enhance or impede generational-based values change.