Australia's Security and the threat of Islamic Extremism in Southeast Asia

Australian foreign and security policy confronts a series of difficult challenges in coping with the emergence of an Islamic extremist threat in Southeast Asia. Australian policy makers are being drawn into unfamiliar linkages with moderate Islam, and into closer cooperation with Indonesia, the most populous Islamic nation in the world, in an attempt to offset Islamic extremists. Further, they must achieve those objectives at a time when important interests are at stake beyond Southeast Asia, when bipartisan agreement about the direction of foreign policy is waning, and when divisions over the appropriate trajectory of Australian security policy are intense. A delicacy almost unprecedented in Australian foreign policy will be required.

Export processing zones and growth triangle development: The case of the BIMP-EAGA, Southeast Asia

Exorts processing zones (EPZs) and growth triangles have been two common Asian initiatives to increase wealth and regional competitiveness in the world economy. Since they are seldom analysed jointly, this paper investigates their mutuality in the development process. Taking the problematic case of the Brunei-Indonesia-Malaysia-Philippines East ASEAN Growth Area (BIMP-EAGA) triangle, we explore the role of EPZs in enhancing regional collaboration, competitiveness, and domestic linkages. Despite the triangle's weak economic complementarities, its processing zones are found capable of advancing development by furthering opportunities in regionalisation/localisation of production. Latterly, trade and investment liberalisation within ASEAN raises broad questions about the rationale of EPZs and growth triangles. Zone-triangle nexuses will require rethinking as, under different regulatory conditions, the zones compete more directly across ASEAN and also with global rivals. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Selection pressure-driven evolution of the Epstein-Barr virus-encoded oncogene LMP1 in virus isolates from southeast Asia

The geographically constrained distribution of Epstein-Barr virus (EBV)-associated nasopharyngeal carcinoma (NPC) in southeast Asian populations suggests that both viral and host genetics may influence disease risk. Although susceptibility loci have been mapped within the human genome, the role of viral genetics in the focal distribution of NPC remains an enigma. Here we report a molecular phylogenetic analysis of an NPC-associated viral oncogene, LMP1, in a large panel of EBV isolates from southeast Asia and from Papua New Guinea, Africa, and Australia, regions of the world where NPC is and is not endemic, respectively. This analysis revealed that LMP1 sequences show a distinct geographic structure, indicating that the southeast Asian isolates have evolved as a lineage distinct from those of Papua New Guinea, African, and Australian isolates. Furthermore, a likelihood ratio test revealed that the C termini of the LMP1 sequences of the southeast Asian lineage are under significant positive selection pressure, particularly at some sites within the C-terminal activator regions. We also present evidence that although the N terminus and transmembrane region of LMP1 have undergone recombination, the C-terminal region of the gene has evolved without any history of recombination. Based on these observations, we speculate that selection pressure may be driving the LMP1 sequences in virus isolates from southeast Asia towards a more malignant phenotype, thereby influencing the endemic distribution of NPC in this region.

Taming the tigers? Reforming the security sector in Southeast Asia

Despite global trends towards military reform characterized by processes of professionalization and democratization, militaries in Southeast Asia have continued to play prominent roles in domestic politics since 11 September. This suggests that wider patterns of global military reform have not had as great an impact on the control, capacity and cooperative functions of armed forces in Southeast Asia as they may have elsewhere. In order to explore why the security sector reform agenda has had so little impact in the region, we investigate recent patterns of civil-military relations in Southeast Asia by focusing on the experiences of four of the region's militaries: Malaysia, Thailand, the Philippines and Indonesia. We argue that the security sector reform agenda is informed by a predominantly North American approach to civil-military relations based on a number of core assumptions that do not reflect Southeast Asian experiences. Hence, we ask whether the reform agenda itself could be modified to better suit the Southeast Asian context. We suggest that although the regional military sector has not reformed along a 'Western' path it is nonetheless possible to see other types of, and potential for, reform.

US hegemony and Southeast Asia - The impact of, and limits to, US power and influence

The United States has exerted a major influence on Southeast Asia, especially since World War II. As both a promoter of neoliberal reform and as the key strategic actor in the wider East Asian region, the impact of U.S. power has been immense. But both the Asian economic crisis and its aftermath, and the more recent war on terror, have highlighted the contradictory impact of evolving U.S. foreign policy and intervention in the region. At both an elite and a mass level there is evidence of resentment about, and hostility toward, U.S. policy and its perceived negative effects. This article outlines how U.S. foreign policy has impacted the region in the economic, political, and security spheres, and argues that not only has it frequently not achieved its goals, but it may in fact be undermining both America's long-term hegemonic position in the region and any prospects for political liberalization.

Southeast Asia and China: The role of history and culture in shaping future relations

Despite the position of the United States as de facto global hegemon, China is a rising power in the world. As Chinese power grows, the projection of Chinese influence will be felt most acutely in Southeast Asia. Whether to accommodate, contain or resist China will depend on future developments that none can foresee, including Chinese ambitions, the policies of other international players (the U.S., Japan), and the cohesion or fragility of the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN). This paper argues that in deciding how best to deal with China, two factors that will influence the countries of Southeast Asia are their own long histories of bilateral relations with China and their own differing conceptions of how foreign relations should be conducted. This is to argue that history and culture are central to any understanding of the likely future shape of China-Southeast Asia relations. Only by taking history and culture into account will analysts be in a position to predict how the mainland and maritime states of Southeast Asia are likely to respond to a more powerful, confident and assertive China.

Sovereignty under siege: globalisation and the state in Southeast Asia

It is commonly assumed that processes associated with globalisation are affecting the sovereignty of states. While the extent and implications of such processes may be debatable, globalisation presents even the most powerful states with new challenges to their autonomy and authority. In Southeast Asia, where the principle of sovereignty has been a crucial and jealously guarded part of regional governance structures, globalisation is an especially acute challenge for national governments. This paper examines the theoretical and policy implications of globalisation in Southeast Asia and argues that not only is globalisation threatening to unravel existing governmental practices in Southeast Asia, but that as a consequence we also need to re-think the way we understand core theoretical principles like sovereignty.