22 resultados para Power of political domain
em University of Queensland eSpace - Australia
Resumo:
Discriminatory language became an important social issue in the west in the late twentieth century, when debates on political correctness and minority rights focused largely on the issue of respect in language. Japan is often criticized for having made only token attempts to address this issue. This paper investigates how one marginalized group—people with disabilities—has dealt with discriminatory and disrespectful language. The debate has been played out in four public spaces: the media, the law, literature, and the Internet. The paper discusses the kind of language, which has generated protest, the empowering strategies of direct action employed to combat its use, and the response of the media, the bureaucracy, and the literati. Government policy has not kept pace with social change in this area; where it exists at all, it is often contradictory and far from clear. I argue that while the laws were rewritten primarily as a result of external international trends, disability support groups achieved domestic media compliance by exploiting the keen desire of media organizations to avoid public embarrassment. In the absence of language policy formulated at the government level, the media effectively instituted a policy of self-censorship through strict guidelines on language use, thereby becoming its own best watchdog. Disability support groups have recently enlisted the Internet as an agent of further empowerment in the ongoing discussion of the issue.
Resumo:
The article makes the case for redescribing Jean Barbeyrac [1674-1744], the great French translator and influential glossator of seventeenth-century Latin natural-law texts, as something quite other than a neutral mediator of Samuel Pufendorf. To consider the specific religious and political charge of his strategies as translator is to recognize the independence of Barbeyrac's Huguenot stance on natura; jurisprudence. This stance is provoked by the profound challenge that Pufendorf's radical post-Wespthalian secularizing of civil authority posed for a Huguenot: how to grant that the state had legitimate authority to regulate all external conduct, but at the same time preserve an inviolable moral space for the exercise of individual conscience. The argument--pointing to Barbeyrac's construction of a 'Lockeanized' Pufendorf--rests both on his famous presentation of Leibniz's critique of Pufendorf's De officio hominis et civis and on more neglected elements of Barbeyrac's corpus.
Resumo:
The aim was to investigate the roles of transmembrane domain 2 and the adjacent region of the first intracellular loop in determining human noradrenaline transporter (hNET) function by pharmacological and substituted-cysteine accessibility method (SCAM) analyses. It was first necessary to establish a suitable background NET for SCAM. Alanine mutants of endogenous hNET cysteines, hC86A, hC131A and hC339A, were examined and showed no marked effects on expression or function. hNET and the mutants were also resistant to methanethiosulfonate (MTS), ethylammonium (MTSEA) and MTStrimethylammonium (MTSET). Hence, wild-type hNET is an appropriate background for production of cysteine mutants for SCAM. Pharmacological investigation showed that all mutants except hT99C and hL109C showed reduced cell-surface expression, while all except hM107C showed a reduction in functional activity. The mutations did not markedly affect the apparent affinities of substrates, but apparent affinities of cocaine were decreased 7-fold for hP97C and 10-fold for hF101C and increased 12-fold for hY98C. [H-3]Nisoxetine binding affinities were decreased 13-fold for hP97C and 5-fold for hF101C. SCAM analysis revealed that only hL102C was sensitive to 1.25 mM MTSEA, and this sensitivity was protected by noradrenaline, nisoxetine and cocaine. The results suggest that this region of hNET is important for interactions with antidepressants and cocaine, but it is probably not involved in substrate translocation mechanisms.