Quantifying the complexity of relative clause and cleft sentences

Explanations of the difficulty of relative-clause sentences implicate complexity but the measurement of complexity remains controversial. Four experiments investigated how far relational complexity (RC) theory, that has been found valid for cognitive development and human reasoning, accounts for the difficulty of 16 types of English, object- and subject-extracted relative-clause constructions. RC corresponds to the number of nouns assigned to thematic roles in the same decision. Complexity estimates based on RC and those based on maximal integration cost (MIC) were strongly correlated and accounted for similar variance in sentence difficulty (subjective ratings, comprehension accuracy, reading times). Consistent with RC theory, sentences that required more than 4 role assignments in the same decision were extremely difficult for many participants. Performance on nonlinguistic relational tasks predicted comprehension of object-extracted sentences, before and after controlling for subject-extractions. Working memory tasks predicted comprehension of object-extractions before controlling for subjectextractions. The studies extend the RC approach to a linguistic domain.

There is no subjunctive in English

The western classical tradition identifies three moods: indicative, subjunctive, imperative. Protagoras split the indicative into interrogative and declarative. Palmer 2001, 2003 argues for only two: indicative and subjunctive. Given any of these classifications of mood, English has no category of mood and so has no subjunctive. Instead it has certain clause-types which express hypotheticality and which can be subsumed to the irrealis branch of the apparently universal category realis~irrealis; to which subjunctives, optatives, jussives and the like can also be subsumed.

Subject/Object Asymmetry in the Comprehension of English Relative Clauses by Japanese Learners of English

While a number of studies have shown that object-extracted relative clauses are more difficult to understand than subject-extracted counterparts for second language (L2) English learners (e.g., Izumi, 2003), less is known about why this is the case and how they process these complex sentences. This exploratory study examines the potential applicability of Gibson's (1998, 2000) Syntactic Prediction Locality Theory (SPLT), a theory proposed to predict first language (L1) processing difficulty, to L2 processing and considers whether the theory might also account for the processing difficulties of subject- and object-extracted relative clauses encountered by L2 learners. Results of a self-paced reading time experiment from 15 Japanese learners of English are mainly consistent with the reading time profile predicted by the SPLT and thus suggest that the L1 processing theory might also be able to account for L2 processing difficulty.

Verbs as Spatial Deixis markers in Jingulu

Contrary to the common pattern of spatial terms being metaphorically extended to location in time, the Australian language Jingulu shows an unusual extension of temporal markers to indicate location in space. Light verbs, which typically encode tense, aspect, mood and associated motion, are occasionally found on nouns to indicate the relative location of the referent with respect to the speaker. It is hypothesised that this pattern resulted from the reduction of verbal clauses used as relative modifiers to the nouns in question.

Syntactic and pragmatic constraints on processing relative clauses

Thc oen itninteureasc ttioo nb eo fa pcreangtmraal tiiscs uaen di ns ymnotadcetlisc ocfo nsestnrtaeinnctse processing. It is well established that object relatives (1) are harder to process than subject relatives (2). Passivization, other things being equal, increases sentence complexity. However, one of the functions of the passive construction is to promote an NP into the role of subject so that it can be more easily bound to the head NP in a higher clause. Thus, (3) is predicted to be marginally preferred over (1). Passiviazation in this instance may be seen as a way of avoiding the object relative construction. 1. The pipe that the traveller smoked annoyed the passengers. 2. The traveller that smoked the pipe annoyed the passengers. 3.The pipe that was smoked by the traveller annoyed the 4.The traveller that the pipe was smoked by annoyed the 5.The traveller that the lady was assaulted by annoyed the In (4) we have relativization of an NP which has been demoted by passivization to the status of a by-phrase. Such relative clauses may only be obtained under quite restrictive pragmatic conditions. Many languages do not permit relativization of a constituent as low as a by-phrase on the NP accessibility hierarchy (Comrie, 1984). The factors which determine the acceptability of demoted NP relatives like (4-5) reflect the ease with which the NP promoted to subject position can be taken as a discourse topic. We explored the acceptability of sentences such as (1-5) using pair-wise judgements of samddifferent meaning, accompanied by ratings of easeof understanding. Results are discussed with reference to Gibsons DLT model of linguistic complexity and sentence processing (Gibson, 2000)

A cognitive complexity metric applied to cognitive development

Two experiments tested predictions from a theory in which processing load depends on relational complexity (RC), the number of variables related in a single decision. Tasks from six domains (transitivity, hierarchical classification, class inclusion, cardinality, relative-clause sentence comprehension, and hypothesis testing) were administered to children aged 3-8 years. Complexity analyses indicated that the domains entailed ternary relations (three variables). Simpler binary-relation (two variables) items were included for each domain. Thus RC was manipulated with other factors tightly controlled. Results indicated that (i) ternary-relation items were more difficult than comparable binary-relation items, (ii) the RC manipulation was sensitive to age-related changes, (iii) ternary relations were processed at a median age of 5 years, (iv) cross-task correlations were positive, with all tasks loading on a single factor (RC), (v) RC factor scores accounted for 80% (88%) of age-related variance in fluid intelligence (compositionality of sets), (vi) binary- and ternary-relation items formed separate complexity classes, and (vii) the RC approach to defining cognitive complexity is applicable to different content domains. (C) 2002 Elsevier Science (USA). All rights reserved.