6 resultados para Class action called ação civil pública

em University of Queensland eSpace - Australia


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Different interceptive tasks and modes of interception (hitting or capturing) do not necessarily involve similar control processes. Control based on preprogramming of movement parameters is possible for actions with brief movement times but is now widely rejected; continuous perceptuomotor control models are preferred for all types of interception. The rejection of preprogrammed control and acceptance of continuous control is evaluated for the timing of rapidly executed, manual hitting actions. It is shown that a preprogrammed control model is capable of providing a convincing account of observed behavior patterns that avoids many of the arguments that have been raised against it. Prominent continuous perceptual control models are analyzed within a common framework and are shown to be interpretable as feedback control strategies. Although these models can explain observations of on-line adjustments to movement, they offer only post hoc explanations for observed behavior patterns in hitting tasks and are not directly supported by data. It is proposed that rapid manual hitting tasks make up a class of interceptions for which a preprogrammed strategy is adopted-a strategy that minimizes the role of visual feedback. Such a strategy is effective when the task demands a high degree of temporal accuracy.

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People listening to speakers during the Union for Civil Liberties Demonstration September 1967 in Brisbane. The demonstration was called by the Trades and Labour Council of Queensland to protest against police treatment of university students and staff in Roma Street, Brisbane during a protest march. The march, from the University of Queensland to the city, had been held a few days earlier.

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Simian virus 40 (SV40) is a nonenveloped virus that has been shown to pass from surface caveolae to the endoplasmic reticulum in an apparently novel infectious entry pathway. We now show that the initial entry step is blocked by brefeldin A and by incubation at 20degreesC. Subsequent to the entry step, the virus reaches a domain of the rough endoplasmic reticulum by an unknown pathway. This intracellular trafficking pathway is also brefeldin A sensitive. Infection is strongly inhibited by expression of GTP-restricted ADP-ribosylation factor 1 (Arf1) and Sar1 mutants and by microinjection of antibodies to betaCOP. In addition, we demonstrate a potent inhibition of SV40 infection by the dipeptide N-benzoyl-oxycarbonyl-Gly-Phe-amide, which also inhibits late events in cholera toxin action. Our results identify novel inhibitors of SV40 infection and show that SV40 requires COPI- and COPII-dependent transport steps for successful infection.

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Diabetes mellitus has reached epidemic proportions in many countries and is the most common cause of end stage renal disease (ESRD). The angiotensin II receptor-1 (AT1) antagonists losartan and irbesartan have recently been evaluated as renoprotective agents in large clinical trials of patients with Type 2 diabetes and nephropathy. In the Reduction of End points in Non-insulin-dependent diabetes mellitus with the Angiotensin II Antagonist (RENAAL) study, losartan decreased the number of patients reaching the primary end point of a composite of measures of neuropathy. The relative risk reduction was ~ 15% with losartan and this was due to a reduction in both the doubling of creatinine concentration (25%) and of ESRD (28%) but not in death. In the Irbesartan Diabetic Nephropathy Trial (IDNT), the beneficial effect of irbesartan was mainly against the doubling of the baseline creatinine concentration (37% risk reduction) but there was also a 20% reduction in the onset of ESRD. Irbesartan had no effect on mortality. Beneficial effects occurred in addition to blood pressure being controlled by agents other than the AT1 antagonists. These clinical trials suggest that there may be a class renoprotective action with AT1 antagonists, although the mechanism is not clear. Patients with Type 2 diabetes and nephropathy should receive either an AT1 antagonist or the angiotensin converting enzyme inhibitor ramipril to ensure renoprotection.

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Since the Second World War, Australian governments have adopted various approaches to governing nonmetropolitan Australia. The authors profile three distinct approaches to governance characterised as (1) state-centred regionalism; (2) new localism; and (3) new forms of multifaceted regionalism. Although recent policy initiatives have been justified by the argument that the region is the most suitable scale for planning and development in nonmetropolitan Australia, in practice the institutional landscape is a hybrid of overlapping local, regional, and national scales of action. The authors compare this new, multifaceted, regionalism with the so-called 'new regionalism currently being promoted in Western Europe and North America. It is argued that new regionalism differs in quite important ways from the regionalism currently being fostered in Australia. In Australia, the centrality of sustainability principles, and the attempt to foster interdependence amongst stakeholders from the state, market, and civil society, have produced a layer of networked governance that is different from that overseas. It is argued that there is a triple bottom-line 'promise' in the Australian approach which differs from the Western Europe/North American model, and which has the potential to deliver enhanced economic, social, and environmental outcomes.

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From the break up of the New Left into single issue groups at the end of the 1960s came a variety of groups representing the peace movement, environmental movement, student movement, women’s movement, and gay liberation movement. This explosion of new social movement activism has been heralded as the age of new radical politics. Many theorists and activists understand new social movements, as replacing the working class as an agent for progressive social change. Scholars and activists now alike debate the possibilities for revolutionary change in this era of multinational capitalism and new nationalisms. This paper examines some of the above claims in the context of the contemporary Serbian civil society. It explores the relationship between the civil society, activism, and narratives in Serbia. In particular, it examines the anti-Milosevic’ movement Otpor! (Resistance), and its discourse, practice and politics in public spaces, through an analysis of narratives of a set of roughly 20 interviews with Otpor! activists, aged 18-35. In the following discussion, then, I will focus on some of the particular dilemmas of contemporary Serbian popular movements - they are dilemmas to do with the growing complexity of media life in the Serbian spaces. I ground my debate on particular uses of the notion of civil society in the narratives of Otpor! activists, while I focus on the question of how do Otpor! activists relate to Leftist/radical politics and the idea of civil society.