Biopolitics meets Terrapolitics: Political Ontologies and Governance in Settler-Colonial Australia

Crises persist in Australian Indigenous affairs because current policy approaches do not address the intersection of Indigenous and European political worlds. This paper responds to this challenge by providing a heuristic device for delineating Settler and Indigenous Australian political ontologies and considering their interaction. It first evokes Settler and Aboriginal ontologies as respectively biopolitical (focused through life) and terrapolitical (focused through land). These ideal types help to identify important differences that inform current governance challenges. The paper discusses the entwinement of these traditions as a story of biopolitical dominance wherein Aboriginal people are governed as an “included-exclusion” within the Australian political community. Despite the overall pattern of dominance, this same entwinement offers possibilities for exchange between biopolitics and terrapolitics, and hence for breaking the recurrent crises of Indigenous affairs.

Australian political discourse: Pronominal choice in campaign speeches

The intention behind language used by candidates during an election campaign is to persuade voters to vote for a particular political party. Fundamental to the political arena is construction of identity, group membership and ways of talking about self, others, and the polarizing categories of 'us' and 'them'. This paper will investigate the pragmatics of pronominal choice and the way in which politicians construct and convey their own identities and those of their political opponents within political speeches. Taking six speeches by John Howard and Mark Latham across the course of the 2004 federal election campaign, I look at the ways in which pronominal choice indicates a shifting scope of reference to creat pragmatic effects and serve political functions.

Tram at South Brisbane station, Brisbane Australia

Three men inspecting tram at South Brisbane station, Brisbane Australia, during No War Toys outing. WILPF (Womens International League for Peace and Freedom) banner can be seen on the front of the tram. The Women's International League for Peace and Freedom was founded in 1915. It works towards disarmament, political solutions to international conflicts, equal participation of women in activities, economic justice and the elimination of racism and discrimination. To achieve these goals, the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom organises meetings, conferences and campaigns.

Women and men during the 1963 Peace March, Brisbane, Australia

Women and men during Peace march in Brisbane, Australia 1963. Car can be seen in the background. Two men one with drum follow the women, one of which has a banner Women strike for peace say U.A.W. The Union of Australian Women is a national organisation that was formed in 1950. Its aim is to work for the status and wellbeing of women across the world. It has been involved in a wide variety of campaigns that concern women. The Union of Australian Women networks with other women's community and union groups on such issues.

Members of the Union of Australian Women with banner during Hiroshima Day 1964, Brisbane

Members of the Union of Australian Women with banner during Hiroshima Day 1964, Brisbane, Australia. The Union of Australian Women is a national organisation that was formed in 1950. Its aim is to work for the status and wellbeing of women across the world. It has been involved in a wide variety of campaigns that concern women. The Union of Australian Women networks with other women's community and union groups on such issues.

Endorsement of CIDI psychosis screening items in the Australian Survey of Mental Health and Well being

This paper presents preliminary analysis of the endorsement of the CIDI Psychosis Screening items in a large Australian community sample. CIDI interviews were completed on a representative sample of 10,641 individuals living in private dwellings in Australia. The items examined constructs related to thought control/interference (G1), ideas of reference (G2), and special powers (G3). If endorsed, each item had a follow-up probe (G1A telepathy; G2A things arranged with special meaning; G3A -- group acceptability). The final item (G4) asked if the respondent had been told that they had schizophrenia. This paper presents the frequency of endorsement, and examines the impact of age and sex on these items. Endorsement of the items was G1 =5.86°/,,, G1A=0.70%, G2=4.84%, G2A=l.31%, G3=3.41%, G3A=2.65%, and G4=0.65%. If screen-positives are defined as two or more 'hits', then 0.41% of the sample met this criterion. Younger participants were significantly more likely to be screen-positive. Items G1, G1A, G2 and G2A were endorsed more frequently by younger participants while there were no significant age effects identified in items G3 or G4. There was a nonsignificant trend for females to endorse item G1 more frequently than males (p = 0.07), but there were no signficant gender differences on the other items. Many individuals who were 'screen-negative' for psychosis endorsed CIDI items related to thought controls, ideas of reference and special powers, suggesting that there may be a 'continuum' of experiences in the population. The impact of age on the distribution of these measures suggests either differential biological vulnerability to these experiences and/or differential cultural factors influencing endorsement of the items. The implications of these findings on our understanding of the symptoms of psychosis will be discussed. The survey was funded by the Commonwealth Dept. of Health and Family Services. The Stanley Foundation supported this project.

The aesthetic turn in international political theory

This essay explores the nature and significance of aesthetic approaches to international political theory. More specifically, it contrasts aesthetic with mimetic forms of representation. The latter, which have dominated the study of international relations, seek to represent politics as realistically and authentically as possible, aiming at capturing world politics as it really is. An aesthetic approach, by contrast, assumes that there is always a gap between a form of representation and what is represented therewith. Rather than ignoring or seeking to narrow this gap, as mimetic approaches do, aesthetic insight recognises that the inevitable difference between the represented and its representation is the very location of politics. The essay, thus, argues for the need to reclaim the political value of the aesthetic; not to replace social science or technological reason, but to broaden our abilities to comprehend and deal with the key dilemmas of world politics. The ensuing model of thought facilitates productive interactions across different faculties, including sensibility, imagination and reason, without any of them annihilating the unique position and insight of the other.