8 resultados para Allies

em University of Queensland eSpace - Australia


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There can be no doubt that the Murdoch press played an important role in cohering what support there was for Australia's involvement in 'Gulf War Two'. From the start, Murdoch's 'Australian' newspaper was firmly committed to the coalition of the willing and provided a well-orchestrated cheer squad for Prime Minister John Howard and the war against Iraq.

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Australia and the United States have been extremely close allies since World War II. The engagements in Afghanistan and Iraq have continued this tradition. Yet even before the bombings in Bali and the confrontation with Iraq, an important debate about the costs and benefits of the relationship with the United States was underway in Australia. At a number of levels—economic, political, and even strategic—increasing numbers of Australians were critically reassessing the relationship and questioning the supposed benefits. Recent events have accelerated this process and thrown the relationship into even starker relief. This paper argues that the increasingly unilateral nature of American economic and strategic policy is imposing major costs on even its most loyal allies, a situation that threatens to undermine the legitimacy of, and support for, U.S. hegemony.

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What does the world's engagement with the unfolding crisis in Darfur tell us about the impact of the Iraq war on the norm of humanitarian intervention? Is a global consensus about a "responsibility to protect" more or less likely? There are at least three potential answers to these questions. Some argue that the merging of strategic interests and humanitarian goods amplified by the intervention in Afghanistan makes it more likely that the world's most powerful states will act to prevent or halt humanitarian crises. Others insist that the widespread perception that the United States and its allies "abused" humanitarian justifications to legitimate its invasion of Iraq has set back efforts to build a global consensus about humanitarian action. A third group argues that the "responsibility to protect" inhibits the potential for abuse and, as a result, consensus is likely to strengthen post-Iraq for precisely this reason. Through a detailed study of the international engagement with Darfur, I suggest that the latter two arguments have merit but need to be adjusted. I argue that the humanitarian intervention norm has changed in two subtle ways. First, while the strength of the norm itself has not changed, the credibility of the United States and U.K. as "norm carriers" has been significantly undermined. Second, while the "responsibility to protect" has been invoked to support international activism, it has also re-legitimated anti-interventionist arguments.

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The sperm of Caprimulgus europaeus is typical of other nonpasserines in many respects. Features shared with Paleognathae and Galloanserae are the conical acrosome, shorter than the nucleus; the presence of a perforatorium and endonuclear canal; the presence of a proximal as well as distal centriole; the elongate midpiece with mitochondria grouped around a central axis (here maximally six mitochondria in similar to 10 tiers); and the presence of a fibrous or amorphous sheath around the principal piece of the axoneme. A major (apomorphic) difference from paleognaths and galloanserans is the short distal centriole, the midpiece being penetrated for most of its length by the axoneme and for only a very short proximal portion by the centriole. Nonpasserines differ from paleognaths in that the latter have a transversely ribbed fibrous sheath, whereas in nonpasserines it is amorphous, as in Caprimulgus, or absent. The absence of an annulus is an apomorphic feature of Caprimulgus, apodiform, psittaciform, gruiform, and passerine sperm, homoplastic in at least some of these. In contrast to passerines, in Caprimulgus the cytoplasmic microtubules in the spermatid are restricted to a transient longitudinal manchette. The structure of the spermatid and spermatozoon is consistent with placement of the Caprimulgidae near the Psittacidae, but is less supportive of close proximity to the Apodidae, from DNA-DNA hybridization and some other analyses.

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The socio-economic system underpinning apartheid in South Africa was based on the exploitation of black workers in the mines, the factories, the fields and the shops. It is widely recognized that the struggles of the South African black working class contributed decisively to the overthrow of the racist regime. In recognition of the power of organised labour, the democratic government elected in 1994 granted South Africa's unions unprecedented legal and constitutional rights. However, despite these gains, the country's labour movement has been facing a fresh set of challenges, from macroeconomic policy to the factory floor, many of them emanating from labour’s political allies in Government. The purpose of this book is to examine how the South African labour movement is responding to these challenges in the new millennium. A variety of experts on South African labour, both within the country and outside deal with crucial issues: How has South Africa's labour movement reacted to the ANC Government's neoliberal economic agenda? How do the unions relate to an increasingly diversifying, “flexible” and vulnerable workforce? What are labour’s prospects of contributing to a left project in democratic South Africa? What are the challenges facing the unions in relation to new forms of militancy and social movements?