Analysis of plant microfossils in archaeological deposits from two remote archipelagos: The Marshall Islands, Eastern Micronesia, and the Pitcairn Group, Southeast Polynesia

Pollen and starch residue analyses were conducted on 24 sediment samples from archaeological sites on Maloelap and Ebon Atolls in the Marshall Islands, eastern Micronesia, and Henderson and Pitcairn Islands in the Pitcairn Group, Southeast Polynesia. The sampled islands, two of which are mystery islands (Henderson and Pitcairn), previously occupied and abandoned before European contact, comprise three types of Pacific islands: low coral atolls, raised atolls, and volcanic islands. Pollen, starch grains, calcium oxylate crystals, and xylem cells of introduced non-Colocasia Araceae (aroids) were identified in the Marshalls and Henderson (ca. 1,900 yr B.P. and 1,200 yr B.P. at the earliest, respectively). The data provide direct evidence of prehistoric horticulture in those islands and initial fossil pollen sequences from Pitcairn Island. Combined with previous studies, the data also indicate a horticultural system on Henderson comprising both field and tree crops, with seven different cultigens, including at least two species of the Araceae. Starch grains and xylem cells of Ipomoea sp., possibly introduced 1. batatas, were identified in Pitcairn Island deposits dated to the last few centuries before European contact in 1790.

Archaeological Identification and Significance of ÉSAG (Agricultural Storage Pits) at Kaman-Kalehöyük, Central Anatolia

Evidence for the presence of storage pits described in Hittite texts by the Sumerogram "ÉSAG" is presented from Kaman-Kalehöyük, a multi-period tell site in central Turkey occupied during the second and first millennia BC. Small earthen pits matching the description of "ÉSAG" were part of the normal suite of domestic installations at the site throughout the period. Similar to pits seen across western Eurasia, they were probably used to store seed corn or seed for trade. Large earthen pits (>7m in diameter) were also present that matched the description of the "ÉSAG" form, and in some cases contained archaeological cereal remains. Evidence from Kaman shows "ÉSAG" were part of Anatolian life for at least 4,000 years and suggests that the term was generic for lined, earthen storage pits. The presence of so many small pits at Kaman-Kalehöyük showed that it was an agricultural production site for much of its existence. The appearance of the large pits, confined to the Hittite period, reflects centralised control of grain supply, probably by the Hittite Kingdom, and fits a pattern seen at other sites in the region during the second millennium BC. /// Hitit metinlerinde Sumerogram "ÉSAG" ile tanimlanan depo çukurlarinin varliğina dair kanit, Orta Anadolu'da M.Ö. İkinci ve Birinci binde iskan edilmiş çok dönemli bir yerleşim alani olan Kaman-Kalehöyük'ten taninmaktadir. Küçük toprak çukurlar "ÉSAG" in tanimlamasina uygun olarak bu dönem süresince normal ev düzeninin bir parçasi olarak karşimiza çikmiştir. Çukurlar, Bati Avrasya'daki benzer çukurlar gibi olasilikla ticaret maksadi ile misir tohumu ya da tohum muhafaza etmişlerdir. "ÉSAG" formunun tanimina uyan büyük toprak çukurlara (çapi 7m. den büyük) rağmen bunlarin tahil depolama ile ilgili bağlantilari tam olarak belirlenmemiştir. Kaman'daki delil, "ÉSAG" in en az 4,000 yildir Anadolu yaşaminin bir parçasi olduğunu ve bu sözcüğün sivanmiş toprak çukurlar için kullanildiğini işaret etmektedir. Kaman-Kalehöyük'te ele geçen birçok küçük çukur, yerleşimin varliğini sürdürdüǧü sürecin büyük bir bölümünde zirai üretim yapildiğini göstermektedir. Hitit Döneminde büyük çukurlarin ortaya çikmasi muhtemelen Hitit Kralliği tarafindan gerçekleştirilen tahil tedarikinin merkezi kontrolünü yansitmakta ve M.Ö. İkinci binde bu bölgedeki diğer yerleşim alanlarinda görülen şekle uymaktadir.

The voice of a child: Archaeological limitations in interpretive stories

In the archaeological record, it seems children are rarely seen. If they are, children are referred to, to explain symbolism, rituals, past lifeways, and behavior of a society or culture rather than the past lifeways of children and their relationship to family and society. This lack of investigation suffers in all forms of archaeological research. However, this bias appears to be unconscious rather than intentionally applied. Archaeology, generally, involves the nameless and faceless rather than the individual. The archaeological signature of children appears minimal. It is adults, or more succinctly, society that generates material remains. This paper discusses interpretation of sites within the context of different archaeologies, thereby providing researchers with information that may not usually be considered when approaching interpretation of sites to visitors.