169 resultados para incentive policy mechanism
Resumo:
A key ingredient in the successful delivery of a policy relevant research program is a process of engagement between the research and policy communities, centred on the conduct, dissemination and use of research. The research recommends that AHURI continue to build and extend its 'engagement strategy' to further realise the benefits of a research program relevant to policy.
Resumo:
This special issue presents an excellent opportunity to study applied epistemology in public policy. This is an important task because the arena of public policy is the social domain in which macro conditions for ‘knowledge work’ and ‘knowledge industries’ are defined and created. We argue that knowledge-related public policy has become overly concerned with creating the politico-economic parameters for the commodification of knowledge. Our policy scope is broader than that of Fuller (1988), who emphasizes the need for a social epistemology of science policy. We extend our focus to a range of policy documents that include communications, science, education and innovation policy (collectively called knowledge-related public policy in acknowledgement of the fact that there is no defined policy silo called ‘knowledge policy’), all of which are central to policy concerned with the ‘knowledge economy’ (Rooney and Mandeville, 1998). However, what we will show here is that, as Fuller (1995) argues, ‘knowledge societies’ are not industrial societies permeated by knowledge, but that knowledge societies are permeated by industrial values. Our analysis is informed by an autopoietic perspective. Methodologically, we approach it from a sociolinguistic position that acknowledges the centrality of language to human societies (Graham, 2000). Here, what we call ‘knowledge’ is posited as a social and cognitive relationship between persons operating on and within multiple social and non-social (or, crudely, ‘physical’) environments. Moreover, knowing, we argue, is a sociolinguistically constituted process. Further, we emphasize that the evaluative dimension of language is most salient for analysing contemporary policy discourses about the commercialization of epistemology (Graham, in press). Finally, we provide a discourse analysis of a sample of exemplary texts drawn from a 1.3 million-word corpus of knowledge-related public policy documents that we compiled from local, state, national and supranational legislatures throughout the industrialized world. Our analysis exemplifies a propensity in policy for resorting to technocratic, instrumentalist and anti-intellectual views of knowledge in policy. We argue that what underpins these patterns is a commodity-based conceptualization of knowledge, which is underpinned by an axiology of narrowly economic imperatives at odds with the very nature of knowledge. The commodity view of knowledge, therefore, is flawed in its ignorance of the social systemic properties of ��knowing’.
Resumo:
In this article, I show how new spaces are being prefigured for colonization in new economy policy discourses. Drawing on a corpus of 1.3 million words collected from legislatures throughout the world, I show the role of policy language in creating the foundations of an emergent form of political economy: The analysis is informed by principles from critical discourse analysis (CDA), classical political economy and critical media studies. It foregrounds a functional aspect of language called process metaphor to show how aspects of human activity are prefigured for mass commodification by the manipulation of realis and irrealis spaces. I also show how the fundamental element of any new political economy, the property element, is being largely ignored. Current moves to create a privately owned global space, which is as concrete as landed property - namely, the electromagnetic spectrum - has significant ramifications for the future of social relations in any global knowledge economy.
Resumo:
This paper examines the problem of establishing a formal relationship of abstraction and refinement between abstract enterprise models and the concrete information systems which implement them. It introduces and justifies a number of reasonableness requirements, which turn out to justify the use of category theoretic concepts, particularly fibrations, to precisely specify a semantics for enterprise models which enables them to be considered as abstractions of the conceptual models from which the implementing information systems are built. The category-theoretic concepts are developed towards the problem of testing whether a system satisfies the fibration axioms, and are applied to case studies to demonstrate their practicability.
Resumo:
There is an urgent need to link social science research with policy making to address many key issues confronting countries across the globe. Policy makers need the benefit of social science research which is relevant, timely, transdisciplinary, methodologically capable of capturing global and local trends, swift to respond to fundamental issues, and offering findings which are clearly articulated, effectively disseminated, and oriented to outcomes. For this a new partnership is needed between social scientists and policy makers. We can gain a clearer picture of the nature of this desired partnership by probing the dichotomy between the world of science and the world of policy making. The experience of UNESCO and its programme Management of Social Transformations provides some valuable lessons.
Resumo:
The toxicities and uptake mechanisms of two hepatotoxins, namely cylindrospermopsin and lophyrotomin, were investigated on primary rat hepatocytes by using microcystin-LIZ (a well-known hepatotoxin produced by cyanobacteria) as a comparison. Isolated rat hepatocytes were incubated with different concentrations of hepatotoxins for 0, 24, 48 and 72 h. The cell viability was assayed by the tetrazolium-based (MTT) assay. Microcystin-LR, cylindrospermopsin and lophyrotomin all exhibited toxic effects on the primary rat hepatocytes with 72-h LC50 of 8, 40 and 560 ng/ml, respectively. The involvement of the bile acid transport system in the hepatotoxin-induced toxicities was tested in the presence of two bile acids, cholate and taurocholate. Results showed that the bile acid transport system was responsible for the uptake, and facilitated the subsequent toxicities of lophyrotomin on hepatocytes. This occurred to a much lesser extent with cylindrospermopsin. With its smaller molecular weight, passive diffusion might be one of the possible mechanisms for cylindrospermopsin uptake into hepatocytes. This was supported by incubating a permanent cell line, KB (devoid of bile acid transport system), with cylindrospermopsin which showed cytotoxic effects. No inhibition of protein phosphatase 2A by cylindrospermopsin or lophyrotomin was found. This indicated that other toxic mechanisms besides protein phosphatase inhibition were producing the toxicities of cylindrospermopsin and lophyrotomin, and that they were unlikely to be potential tumor promoters. (C) 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
Resumo:
The first half of 2001 saw traditional issues dominating the foreign policy agenda, with both Australia's relationship with the United States and the policy of Asian engagement still holding centre stage. But those old issues generated fresh anxieties. In the United States, the incoming Bush administration displayed a genuine radicalism in its approach to foreign policy, and that raised concerns in many Western capitals — including Canberra — about a new mood of unilateralism in Washington. At the same time, the emergence of the thesis that Australia was becoming a "branch office economy", where key decisions were taken in the capital markets of New York and London, made the government noticeably more cautious and selective in its endorsement of globalisation. Further, the issue of Asian engagement grew steadily more complex: Australian policy-makers searched unsuccessfully for a new focus for the policy of Asian engagement, as Japan's economy wallowed and Indonesia's democratic government tottered.
Resumo:
Whereas in other Australian states voluntary organizations set up and managed infant health clinics and state governments only later became involved, in order to resolve conflicts or raise standards, Queensland began with government control. From the start, these well-baby clinics were established and maintained by the state government, whose policy precluded any involvement by the voluntary sector in baby clinic management or other aspects of the work of the Maternal and Child Welfare section of the Department of Health and Home Affairs. One organization, the Mothercraft Association of Queensland, attempted to contribute to maternal-infant welfare in the years 1931-1961. This article will discuss how the association worked in a way that was complementary to the government's work, and non-confrontationist, to achieve some of its goals.