219 resultados para Social Policy, Howard Government, Conservative Politics


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Like those in other sectors, managers in community-based organisations face an uncertain and challenging future. Research and writing about the community sector (non-government, notjor-profit, or third seclOr) has canvassed a wide range of issues. A selective review of the recent literature reveals the breadth of research interest in the challenges facing community sector managers. While some reflection on the implications for managers of current economic and social policy contexts is crucial for this sector, research effort needs to be focused on understanding how third sector managers construe their current strategic challenges and the strategies they use to address them A small sample ofmanagers working in a regional area in South East Queensland was asked to identify current strategic concerns related to the future viability of their organisations. The key issues raised by managers are compared with the issues raised in the research literature. Results -to date indicate that managers' concerns are reflected in the research literature, but that managers are also concemed about the current trends in social policy towards collaboration, amalgamation, and pannership. Implications of these findings for managers operating in this sector are discussed.

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In their 1994 study Taxation and Representation, Deacon and Golding point to the extensive use of press and public relations professionals by governments to promote policy, and to outmanouvre their opponents. With the UK specifically in mind, they warn: 'we cannot ignore the massive expansion of the public relations state.' (p.6). What distinguishes their approach from the more usual preoccupation with the use of 'spin' to 'package' political leaders is a focus on the institutionalisation of public relations within government. In this paper, I explore the utililty of the concept, and consider what the broad features of an Australian 'PR State' might be.

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Promoted as the key policy response to unemployment, the Job Network constitutes an array of interlocking processes that position unemployed people as `problems' in need of remediation. Unemployment is presented as a primary risk threatening society, and unemployed people are presented as displaying various degrees of riskiness. The Job Seeker Classification Instrument (JSCI) is a `technology' employed by Centrelink to assess `risk' and to determine the type of interaction that unemployed people have with the job Network. In the first instance, we critically examine the development of the JSCI and expose issues that erode its credibility and legitimacy. Second, employing the analytical tools of discourse analysis, we show how the JSCI both assumes and imposes particular subject identities on unemployed people. The purpose of this latter analysis is to illustrate the consequences of the sorts of technologies and interventions used within the job Network.

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Questions of identity have become increasingly central to the study of foreign policy and security, particularly in constructivist debates. But very few of the resulting insights have been applied to the Korean situation, where discussions about security and inter-Korean relations remain dominated by strategic and geopolitical issues. The main task of this article is to address this shortcoming by examining the experience of North Korean defectors in South Korea and the precedent of German unification. Both of these domains of inquiry reveal that identity differences between North and South persist far beyond the ideological and political structures that created them in the first place. Born out of death, fear, and longing for revenge, these identity patterns lie at the heart of Korea's security dilemmas. Unless taken seriously by scholars and decision makers, the respective tensions between identity and difference will continue to cause major political problems. (Key words: Inter-Korean relations, North Korean defectors, German unification)

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I offer a new cartography of ethical resistance. I argue that there is an uncharted interaction between managerial secrecy and organizational silence, which may exponentially increase the incidence of corruption in ways not yet understood. Current methods used to raise levels of moral conduct in business and government practice appear blind to this powerful duo. Extensive literature reviews of secrecy and silence scholarships form the background for an early stage conceptual layout of the co-production of secrecy and silence.

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In the Majoritarian Parliamentary System, the government has a constitutional right to call an early election. This right provides the government a control to achieve its objective to remain in power for as long as possible. We model the early election problem mathematically using opinion polls data as a stochastic process to proxy the government's probability of re-election. These data measure the difference in popularity between the government and the opposition. We fit a mean reverting Stochastic Differential Equation to describe the behaviour of the process and consider the possibility for the government to use other control tools, which are termed 'boosts' to induce shocks to the opinion polls by making timely policy announcements or economic actions. These actions improve the government's popularity and have some impact upon the early-election exercise boundary. © Austral. Mathematical Soc. 2005.