128 resultados para communication and public policy


Relevância:

100.00% 100.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

This study investigated the impact of media coverage of a health issue (skin cancer) on judgements of risk to self and others and the role of related communication processes. Consistent with predictions derived from the impersonal impact hypothesis, the effects of mass communication were more evident in perceptions of risk to others rather than in perceptions of personal risk. Perceptions of personal risk were more strongly correlated with interpersonal communication. However, as suggested by media system dependency theory, the relationship between mass communication and beliefs was complex. The impact of mass communication on both personal and impersonal perceptions was bound to be moderated by self-reported dependence on mass mediated information. The effect of this two-way interaction 071 perceptions of personal risk was partially mediated through interpersonal communication. Results point to the interdependence of mass and interpersonal communication as sources of social influence and the role of media dependency in shaping media impact.

Relevância:

100.00% 100.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Whereas in other Australian states voluntary organizations set up and managed infant health clinics and state governments only later became involved, in order to resolve conflicts or raise standards, Queensland began with government control. From the start, these well-baby clinics were established and maintained by the state government, whose policy precluded any involvement by the voluntary sector in baby clinic management or other aspects of the work of the Maternal and Child Welfare section of the Department of Health and Home Affairs. One organization, the Mothercraft Association of Queensland, attempted to contribute to maternal-infant welfare in the years 1931-1961. This article will discuss how the association worked in a way that was complementary to the government's work, and non-confrontationist, to achieve some of its goals.

Relevância:

100.00% 100.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Phylogenetic relationships among 75 species of Lentibulariaceae, representing the three recognized genera, were assessed by cladistic analysis of DNA sequences from the plastid rps16 intron and the trnL-F region. Sequence data from the two loci were analyzed both separately and in combination. Consensus trees from all analyses are congruent, and parsimony jackknife results demonstrate strong support for relationships both between and within each of the three demonstrably monophyletic genera. The genus Pinguicula is sister to a Genlisea-Utricularia clade, the phylogenetic structure within this clade closely follows Taylor's recent sectional delimitations based on morphology. Three principal clades are shown within Utricularia, with the basal sections Polypoinpholyx and Pleiochasia together forming the sister lineage of the remaining Utricularia species. Of the fundamental morphological specializations, the stoloniferous growth form apparently arose independently within Genlisea and Utricularia three times, and within Utricularia itself, perhaps more than once. The epiphytic habit has evolved independently at least three times, in Pinguicula, in Utricularia section Phyllaria, and within the two sections Orchidioides and Iperua (in the latter as bromeliad tank-epiphytes). The suspended aquatic habit may have evolved independently within sections Utricularia and Vesiculina. Biogeographic optimization on the phylogeny demonstrates patterns commonly associated with the boreotropics hypothesis and limits the spatial origin of Lentibulariaceae to temperate Eurasia or tropical America.

Relevância:

100.00% 100.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

The theory and practice of humanitarian intervention in the 1990s has produced a series of seemingly intractable dilemmas. Why do states act in some cases and not others? How are we to evaluate the legitimacy of particular acts? This article introduces a new perspective on these questions informed by a combination of pragmatism and solidarism. It argues that although the search for criteria that may be used to judge the legitimacy and efficacy of humanitarian intervention may be a futile one, it is possible to think about a politics of legitimate humanitarian intervention. Such a politics may be based on three key insights drawn from pragmatism: the dialogic construction of moral knowledge, the fallibility of knowledge, and the priority of democracy over philosophy. The article discusses how such a pragmatic solidarism may be used to interrogate the quest for legitimising criteria and to build a new politics of humanitarian intervention.

Relevância:

100.00% 100.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

A concern for progress is central to the public agendas of modern societies. Political actors compete with one another mainly with regard to their respective claims to bring about a better future, particularly in the economic and technological spheres. The focus on progress has, however, deeper roots which date back to the aspirations of the Enlightenment. Around that time, the belief arose that systematic improvements are made possible by the structural features of modern society and culture, improvements that will gradually release humanity from much of the suffering characterising its historical past. This article argues the persistence of a culture of progress, rather than easing suffering, in fact enhances and mobilises it for the pursuit of superficial forms of gain. It is also claimed the attempt by Habermas' critical theory to develop a broader and more satisfactory conception of progress fails to address this problem. The article suggests an alternative and more fundamental critique of progressive ideas is required. It reflects upon these abstract theoretical questions in connection with the concrete example of the 'adolescent crisis' and the role ideas of progress play within it.

Relevância:

100.00% 100.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

No abstract

Relevância:

100.00% 100.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Marking its fiftieth anniversary in late 2001, the ANZUS alliance remains Australia's primary security relationship and one of the United States' most important defence arrangements in the Asia-Pacific region. It is argued here that ANZUS has defied many common suppositions advanced by international relations theorists on how alliances work. It thus represents an important refutation of arguments that they are short-term instruments of mere policy expediency and are largely interest-dependent. Cultural and normative factors are powerful, if often underrated, determinants for ANZUS's perpetuation. ANZUS may thus constitute an important test case for expanding our understanding of alliance politics beyond the usual preconditions and prerogatives normally associated with such a relationship.