86 resultados para Educational and cultural sovereignty


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Issues of boundary maintenance are implicit in all studies of national identity. By definition, national communities consist of those who are included but surrounded (literally or metaphorically) by those who are excluded. Most extant research on national identity explores criteria for national membership largely in terms of official or public definitions described, for example, in citizenship and immigration laws or in texts of popular culture. We know much less about how ordinary people in various nations reason about these issues. An analysis of cross-national (N = 23) survey data from the 1995 International Social Science Program reveals a core pattern in most of the countries studied. Respondents were asked how important various criteria were in being 'truly' a member of a particular nation. Exploratory factor analysis shows that these items cluster in terms of two underlying dimensions. Ascriptive/objectivist criteria relating to birth, religion and residence can be distinguished from civic/voluntarist criteria relating to subjective feelings of membership and belief in core institutions. In most nations the ascriptive/objectivist dimension of national identity was more prominent than the subjective civic/voluntarist dimension. Taken overall, these findings suggest an unanticipated homogeneity in the ways that citizens around the world think about national identity. To the extent that these dimensions also mirror the well-known distinction between ethnic and civic national identification, they suggest that the former remains robust despite globalization, mass migration and cultural pluralism. Throughout the world official definitions of national identification have tended to shift towards a civic model. Yet citizens remain remarkably traditional in outlook. A task for future research is to investigate the macrosociological forces that produce both commonality and difference in the core patterns we have identified.

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Hailed as an 'unruly masterpiece', John Romeril's The Floating World is one of the few 'new wave' Australian plays representing Australians and their Asian 'others' to be restaged periodically since its premiere in 1974. Paying particular attention to production of the play that have used Japanese theatre forms such as kabuki and bunraku, this article focuses primarily on the ways in which the significations of race have been interpreted by the critical establishment. The fascinating stage history of The Floating World is treated as a barometer of Australian theatre's response to the challenge of representing cultural conflict, during a period marked by public debate about the desirability, and inevitability, of Australia's political, economic and cultural 'enmeshment' with Asia.

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A consideration of identity formation in contemporary Australian multicultural theatre is offered through a re-assessment of the unsettled (and unsettling) constructions of Australia as 'home' in the work of three playwrights. William Yang's Sadness disrupts a localized perception of home, space, and cultural communities to amalgamate two disparate communities (the queer/homosexual community in Sydney and the Asian-Australian, or 'Austasian' community) into a reconfigured Australian identity. Janis Balodis's The Ghosts Trilogy uses many actors who play across the unsettled lines of history, amid numerous voices, homes, and homelands that indicate the enormity of what 'Australia' comes to signify. Noelle Janaczewska's The History of Water constructs a way of locating the self by means of a metaphoric home as each character establishes herself on a psychic plane rather than choosing the strictly physical locations to which she has access. In their interrogations of home and homeland, these plays challenge assumptions regarding identity, disrupt notions of the ultimate ownership of land/culture by anyone, and problematize the idea of settlement as it is currently articulated in Australia.

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The newly adopted United Nations Education, Scientific and Cultural Organization's Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage provides the first universal protection regime for this value archaeological resource. A central difficulty in concluding this Convention was defining underwater cultural heritage. This article considers the development of the definition agreed upon and analyses its utility in providing for a pragmatic and effective protection regime.

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On 2 November 2001, the General Assembly of the United Nations Scientific, Economic and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) adopted the convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage. Among the many complex issues addressed in the convention is the legal status of sunken state-owned vessels, including warships. Prior to the adoption of this convention, no conventional or customary international law existed with regards to the question of abandonment of state-owned vessels or the application of the principle of sovereign immunity to sunken state vessels. While difficulties between coastal states and maritime and former colonial powers resulted in a regime that does not comprehensively address the issues, the convention does provide some guidance in this regard and may provide a basis for further development.

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The main question informing this paper is whether it is possible to extend democracy beyond its liberal forms. The paper reflects upon this question with regard to its implications for the individual. For the radicalization of democracy implies a need for self-transformation, if the everyday egoism of contemporary citizens is not to thwart reasonable discussion and participation. Theorists such as Richard Rorty argue that the philosophical resources required to guide such self-transformation can be made available only by sacrificing the political freedom and cultural diversity liberalism has been able to precariously establish. Other theorists insist that the thresholds of pluralism and tolerance that existing liberal democracies are struggling to maintain actually require an extension of democracy. The paper evaluates two different theoretical strategies that aim to identify potentials for democratization without falling prey to the dilemma identified by Rorty: a ‘ deliberative’ strategy explicated with reference to Jürgen Habermas and an ‘existential’ approach represented here by William Connolly.

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The year 2003 marks the 30th anniversary of The Australian Journal of Indigenous Education (AJIE) and coincides with the re-launching of the journal as a peer reviewed research journal.Beginning life in 1973 as The Aboriginal Child at School, AJIE has played a vital role in raising awareness of educational issues for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples; fostering debate amongst researchers, government representatives and community groups; and sharing stories of success between both Indigenous and non- Indigenous practitioners positioned in the broad area of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander education. The dialogue which has taken place in AJIE over the past 30 years maps out the social, political and cultural history of Indigenous education in Australia, and draws attention to the shifting paradigms,problems and practical outcomes.