137 resultados para Bureaucracy, institutions, redistributive politics, electoral competition


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Physiological and kinematic data were collected from elite under-19 rugby union players to provide a greater understanding of the physical demands of rugby union. Heart rate, blood lactate and time-motion analysis data were collected from 24 players (mean +/- s((x) over bar): body mass 88.7 +/- 9.9 kg, height 185 +/- 7 cm, age 18.4 +/- 0.5 years) during six competitive premiership fixtures. Six players were chosen at random from each of four groups: props and locks, back row forwards, inside backs, outside backs. Heart rate records were classified based on percent time spent in four zones (>95%, 85-95%, 75-84%, <75% HRmax). Blood lactate concentration was measured periodically throughout each match, with movements being classified as standing, walking, jogging, cruising, sprinting, utility, rucking/mauling and scrummaging. The heart rate data indicated that props and locks (58.4%) and back row forwards (56.2%) spent significantly more time in high exertion (85-95% HRmax) than inside backs (40.5%) and outside backs (33.9%) (P < 0.001). Inside backs (36.5%) and outside backs (38.5%) spent significantly more time in moderate exertion (75-84% HRmax) than props and locks (22.6%) and back row forwards (19.8%) (P < 0.05). Outside backs (20.1%) spent significantly more time in low exertion (< 75% HRmax) than props and locks (5.8%) and back row forwards (5.6%) (P < 0.05). Mean blood lactate concentration did not differ significantly between groups (range: 4.67 mmol.l(-1) for outside backs to 7.22 mmol.l(-1) for back row forwards; P < 0.05). The motion analysis data indicated that outside backs (5750 m) covered a significantly greater total distance than either props and locks or back row forwards (4400 and 4080 m, respectively; P < 0.05). Inside backs and outside backs covered significantly greater distances walking (1740 and 1780 m, respectively; P < 0.001), in utility movements (417 and 475 m, respectively; P < 0.001) and sprinting (208 and 340 m, respectively; P < 0.001) than either props and locks or back row forwards (walking: 1000 and 991 m; utility movements: 106 and 154 m; sprinting: 72 and 94 m, respectively). Outside backs covered a significantly greater distance sprinting than inside backs (208 and 340 m, respectively; P < 0.001). Forwards maintained a higher level of exertion than backs, due to more constant motion and a large involvement in static high-intensity activities. A mean blood lactate concentration of 4.8-7.2 mmol.l(-1) indicated a need for 'lactate tolerance' training to improve hydrogen ion buffering and facilitate removal following high-intensity efforts. Furthermore, the large distances (4.2-5.6 km) covered during, and intermittent nature of, match-play indicated a need for sound aerobic conditioning in all groups (particularly backs) to minimize fatigue and facilitate recovery between high-intensity efforts.

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At the end of Word War II, Soviet occupation forces removed countless art objects from German soil. Some of them were returned during the 1950s, but most either disappeared for good or were stored away secretly in cellars of Soviet museums. The Cold War then covered the issue with silence. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, museums in St Petersburg and Moscow started to exhibit some of the relocated art for the first time in half a century. The unusual quality of the paintings-mostly impressionist masterpieces-not only attracted the attention of the international art community, but also triggered a diplomatic row between Russia and Germany. Both governments advanced moral and legal claims to ownership. To make things even more complicated, many of the paintings once belonged to private collectors, some of whom were Jews. Their descendants also entered the dispute. The basic premise of this article is that the political and ethical dimensions of relocated art can be understood most adequately by eschewing a single authorial standpoint. Various positions, sometimes incommensurable ones, are thus explored in an attempt to outline possibilities for an ethics of representation and a dialogical solution to the international problem that relocated art has become.

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A mathematical model is presented that describes a system where two consumer species compete exploitatively for a single renewable resource. The resource is distributed in a patchy but homogeneous environment; that is, all patches are intrinsically identical. The two consumer species are referred to as diggers and grazers, where diggers deplete the resource within a patch to lower densities than grazers. We show that the two distinct feeding strategies can produce a heterogeneous resource distribution that enables their coexistence. Coexistence requires that grazers must either move faster than diggers between patches or convert the resources to population growth much more efficiently than diggers. The model shows that the functional form of resource renewal within a patch is also important for coexistence. These results contrast with theory that considers exploitation competition for a single resource when the resource is assumed to be well mixed throughout the system.

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Attitudes to the fundamental economic institutions of capitalism, private ownership of productive property, markets as arenas for securing economic outcomes, and working class rights to associate and to strike, are key dimensions of class consciousness. This paper investigates how class location shapes these attitudes in combination with other factors like employment sector and trade union membership. Using data from the 1995 National Social Science Survey, the paper finds systematic class variation on attitudes to economic institutions that is consistent with respondents endorsing or rejecting class-specific strategies of interest realisation according to their own class circumstances. On some attitudes, class structural effects are additionally moderated by organisational norms associated with public sector employment and mediated by the impact of trade union membership.

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