33 resultados para Policy and Legislation


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Networked information and communication technologies are rapidly advancing the capacities of governments to target and separately manage specific sub-populations, groups and individuals. Targeting uses data profiling to calculate the differential probabilities of outcomes associated with various personal characteristics. This knowledge is used to classify and sort people for differentiated levels of treatment. Targeting is often used to efficiently and effectively target government resources to the most disadvantaged. Although having many benefits, targeting raises several policy and ethical issues. This paper discusses these issues and the policy responses governments may take to maximise the benefits of targeting while ameliorating the negative aspects.

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A methodological framework for conducting a systematic, mostly qualitative, meta-synthesis of community-based rehabilitation (CBR) project evaluation reports is described. Developed in the course of an international pilot study, the framework proposes a systematic review process in phases which are strongly collaborative, methodologically rigorous and detailed. Through this suggested process, valuable descriptive data about CBR practice, strategies and outcomes may be synthesized. It is anticipated that future application of this methodology will contribute to an improved evidence base for CBR, which will facilitate the development of more appropriate policy and practice guidelines for disability service delivery in developing countries. The methodology will also have potential applications in areas beyond CBR, which are similarly. evidence poor' (lacking empirical research) but 'data rich' (with plentiful descriptive and evaluative reports).

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This article compares the constitutive relationship between foreign policy and globalisation in Australia and New Zealand. Drawing upon insights from constructivist international relations theory we argue that foreign policy instantiates a state's social identity, its self-understanding of its role and moral purpose by projecting a distinctive image onto the global stage. We explore the differences and the similarities between Australia and New Zealand by examining how each country views international order, global trade, global governance and human rights and international security. Although both countries appear to be transforming themselves into more 'globalised' states, there are significant differences in the way each seeks to balance the competing strategic and normative demands. This diplomatic divergence, we argue, stems from different conceptions of state identity.

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There are no controlled experiments in macroeconomic policy, nor in systematic programs of microeconomic reform, but a comparison between New Zealand and Australia over the period since 1984 provides as close an approach to such an experiment as is ever likely to be possible. From quite similar starting points the two countries pursued liberal reform programs that differed sharply, mainly as a result of exogenous differences in constitutional structures and the personal styles of the central actors. Australia followed a more cautious, piecemeal, consensus-based approach, whereas New Zealand, in contrast, adopted a radical, rapid, 'purist' platform. The NZ reform package was generally seen by contemporary commentators as representing a 'textbook' model for best practice reform. However, Australia since 1984 has performed much better than New Zealand, whose per capita GDP growth indeed ranked at or near the bottom of the OECD. In this paper, we assess a variety of explanations for the divergences in policies and outcomes.

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Objective: To examine the methods used by a sample of regular ecstasy users to determine the content and purity of ecstasy pills, their knowledge of the limitations of available pill testing methods, and how pill test results would influence their drug use behaviour. Method: Data were collected from regular ecstasy users (n = 810) recruited from all eight capital cities of Australia. Data were analysed using multiple logistic regression and chi-square (chi(2)) tests of association. Open-ended responses were coded for themes. Results: The majority of the sample(84%) reported attempting to find out the content and purity of ecstasy at least some of the time, most commonly asking friends or dealers. Less than one quarter (22%) reported personal use of testing kits. There was a moderate level of awareness of the limitations of testing kits among those who reported having used them. Over half (57%) of those reporting personal use of testing kits reported that they would not take a pill if test results indicated that it contained ketamine and over three quarters (76%) reported that they would not take an "unknown" pill (producing no reaction in a reagent test). Finally, a considerable majority (63%) expressed interest in pill testing should it be more widely available. Conclusions: The majority of regular ecstasy users sampled in this Australian study report previous attempts to determine the content and purity of pills sold as ecstasy. Although only a small proportion have used testing kits, many report that they would do so if they were more widely available. The results of pill tests may influence drug use if they indicate that pills contain substances which ecstasy users do not want to ingest or are of unknown content. More detailed research examining ways in which pill testing may influence drug use is required to inform evidence-based policy. (c) 2006 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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This paper investigates how government policy directions embracing deregulation and market liberalism, together with significant pre-existing tensions within the Australian medical profession, produced ground breaking change in the funding and delivery of medical education for general practitioners. From an initial view between and within the medical profession, and government, about the goal of improving the standards of general practice education and training, segments of the general practice community, particularly those located in rural and remote settings, displayed increasingly vocal concerns about the approach and solutions proffered by the predominantly urban-influenced Royal Australian College of General Practitioners (RACGP). The extent of dissatisfaction culminated in the establishment of the Australian College of Rural and Remote Medicine (ACRRM) in 1997 and the development of an alternative curriculum for general practice. This paper focuses on two decades of changes in general practice training and how competition policy acted as a justificatory mechanism for putting general practice education out to competitive tender against a background of significant intra-professional conflict. The government's interest in increasing efficiency and deregulating the 'closed shop' practices of professions, as expressed through national competition policy, ultimately exposed the existing antagonisms within the profession to public view and allowed the government some influence on the sacred cow of professional training. Government policy has acted as a mechanism of resolution for long standing grievances of the rural GPs and propelled professional training towards an open competition model. The findings have implications for future research looking at the unanticipated outcomes of competition and internal markets.