2 resultados para Stylistics of expression

em Research Open Access Repository of the University of East London.


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Human β-defensins (hBDs) are a family of cationic peptides able to directly kill a wide range of microorganisms including bacteria, fungi and viruses. In addition to their antimicrobial activities, defensins also contribute to the modulation of both the host innate and adaptive immunity. In this project, we demonstrate that the αCD3/28 co-stimulation of human CD4+ T cells in the presence of 10μg/ml hBD-2 or hBD-3 together causes an up-regulation in numbers of CD4+CD69+CD25+ and CD4+CD69-CD25+ T cell subsets, indicating that the treatment of hBD-2 and 3 enhances CD4+ T cell activation. Consistent with this finding, proliferation assay using CFSE suggests that hBD-2 and hBD-3 treatment in vitro induces the proliferation of CD4+ T cells following by 96hrs culture. Analysis of expression of the regulatory T cells (Tregs) specific marker, FoxP3, reveals a shift in the CD4+CD127-CD25+ Treg subset at 18hrs. However, at the later time point, we found that the percentage of FoxP3+cells decreased in the CD4+CD127-CD25+ Treg population, whereas the presence of the FoxP3+CTLA-4+ Treg subset increased. These data indicate that Treg suppressive function may be potentially defective following the co-incubation of purified T cells with either hBD-2 or hBD-3 for 42hrs in vitro due to the apparent loss of FoxP3 expression. We further characterise the role of hBD-2 and hBD-3 in driving human CD4+ T cells polarisation. Our in vitro data suggests that treatment with hBD-2 and hBD-3 can not only induces effector T cell (Teff) differentiation into RORγt+T-bet+ (Th17/Th1) cells, but can also trigger the differentiation of Treg expressing RORγt and T-bet rather than the master controller of Treg function, FoxP3. This apparent plasticity of T cell phenotype allows them to convert from Treg to Th1/17-like effector T cell phenotype following 18hrs in culture. By 42hrs in culture, treatment with hBD-2 and hBD-3 induced both Teff cell and Treg cell differentiation towards the Th17-like phenotype. Compared with the treatment with hBD-2, treatment with hBD-3 induced a more pronounced effect to increase levels of RORγt in CD4+ T cells. This elevated expression may, in turn, be responsible for the induction of higher IL-17A secretion. Consistent with this idea, it was found that treatment with hBD-3 but not hBD-2 was capable of inducing the higher level of secretion of IL-17A. Additionally, treatment with hBD-3 induced an increased expression of IL-6, which is capable of driving the differentiation of naïve T cells towards IL-17-producing Th17 cells. Functionally, using the Treg suppression assay, the data suggested that hBD-2 may dampen down Treg cell ability to induce suppression of Teff cell activity. Interestingly, co-culture with hBD-2 would also appear to increase Teff cell resistance to Treg immunoregulation in vitro. Further investigation using microarray gene analysis revealed chemokine C-C motif ligand 1 (CCL1) as potential genes responding to hBD-2 treatment. The blockade of CCL1 has been reported to inhibit Treg suppressive function. Thus, this study explored the function of these antimicrobial candidates in regulating CD4+ T cell plasticity which could result in hBD-2 and hBD-3 being able to regulate its own production, but also may regulate Treg and Teff cell development and function, thus strengthening the link between innate and adaptive immunity

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Since its foundation, militant democratic arguments have underpinned an enforced secularism in Turkey. The 2002 election of the AKP, described as a “moderate Islamist party”, has challenged Turkey’s secular identity. In the more than twelve years since the AKP has been in power, Turkey’s political landscape has experienced significant changes, with periods of extensive democratic reforms punctuated by regression in certain areas, notably freedom of expression and the right to protest. State repressive measures coupled with Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s reluctance to exit the political stage have been the focus of much commentary and analysis. This article argues, however, that under AKP rule the Kurdish issue – critical to ensuring the normalization of politics and democratization in Turkey – has been brought in from the political cold and assesses the creation and role of the HDP (Halkların Demokratik Partisi), a Kurdish political party that is endeavoring to situate itself in the mainstream of Turkey’s political landscape. We posit that the HDP can be viewed as the offspring of this “democratic opening,” a project that was meant to ensure a radical transformation of the Kurdish issue in Turkey. Through analysing the historical trajectory of both AKP and HDP and the militant democratic arguments that led to their predecessors’ exclusion from the public sphere, this article engages with the key question of the extent to which the AKP’s treatment of the Kurdish issue has provided a vehicle for broader democratisation and facilitated a reconsideration of the Kurdish question in Turkey.