Measuring the state of consciousness in a free-living diving sea turtle

We report on results from two types of data-logger attached to hawksbill turtles (Eretmochelys coriacea) in the breeding season at the Seychelles, Indian Ocean. Conventional time-depth recorders (TDRs) showed prolonged bouts of long dives to the seabed, consistent with benthic resting. This behaviour has been widely reported in sea turtles and appears to be a common feature for energy conservation. An Inter-Mandibular Angle Sensor (IMASEN) recorded mouth opening and buccal pumping by one turtle for 2.5 days. Buccal pumping occurred widely while the turtle was submerged, consistent with a function of olfactory sensory perception of the turtle's environment. However, buccal pumping stopped during the middle of long benthic dives consistent with the turtle entering a phase of sleep. It therefore appears that by recording buccal oscillations, it is possible to assess the state of consciousness of turtles allowing the eco-physiology of diving to be more fully explored. (C) 2007 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

Identity, Unity, and the Limits of Democracy

Can the demos be uncoupled from the ethnos? Can there be a democratic politics of state‐boundaries, or are borders a condition of the possibility of democratic politics rather than a possible subject for those politics? The author argues for the decoupling strategy and affirms the possibility of a democratic politics about borders, anchoring the discussion in the politics of Northern Ireland. The argument turns on the analysis of public reasoning. It is argued first that culturalist accounts of self‐determination are misconceived and that political institutions, and not cultural identity, make collective self‐determination possible. Second, that the demos is constituted by acts of mutual recognition required by the practice of public reasoning, and that this practice cannot be confined with state‐boundaries. Taken together this allows us to conceive of the unity of a people as constituted by practices of public reason, given effect by institutions whose configuration is never finally fixed.

From 'Good as Gold' to 'Gold Diggers': Farming Women and the Survival of British Family Farming

The survival of family farming in British agriculture has long been a topic of interest for rural researchers and is undergoing something of a current renewal of interest. However, insights from feminist approaches remain underutilised despite the crucial role farming women continue to play in family farming. This paper addresses the unity of farm, family and business by interpreting it as a patriarchal â??way of lifeâ??. An ethnographic-informed repeated life history methodology is employed to study in detail the family members of seven farms in rural mid-Wales. Findings show that the recent survival of the family farms investigated has been heavily dependent upon compliance with a patriarchal ideology that demands women be â??as good as goldâ??. However, it is discovered that a new view of women is emerging in the world of British family farming, that of â??gold diggerâ??. Women entering relationships with farming men are increasingly being considered a threat to farm survival by virtue of their entitlements if the relationship breaks down. The necessity to study the intricacies of personal relationships in family farming has important implications for most future research into this form of agricultural business arrangement.

Deconstructing national leadership: Politicians’ accounts of electoral success and failure in the Irish Lisbon Treaty referenda

The Self Categorization approach to national leadership proposes that leaders rhetorically construct national identity as essentialized and inevitable in order to consensualize and mobilize the population. In contrast, discursive studies have demonstrated how national politicians flexibly construct the nation to manage their own accountability in local interactions, though this in turn has neglected broader leadership processes. The present paper brings both approaches together to examine how and when national politicians construct versions of national identity in order to account for their failure as well as success in mobilizing the electorate. Eight semi-structured conversational style interviews were conducted with a strategic sample of eight leading Irish politicians on the subject of the 2008/2009 Irish Lisbon Treaty referenda. Using a Critical Discourse Psychology approach, the hegemonic repertoire of the ‘settled will’
of the informed and consensualized Irish nation was identified across all interviews. Politicians either endorsed the ‘settled will’ repertoire as evidence of their successful leadership, or rejected the repertoire by denying the rationality or unity of the populace to account for their failure. Our results suggest national identity is only constructed as essentialized and inevitable to the extent that it serves a strategic political purpose.

A long-term follow-up of cognitive, emotional, and behavioural sequelae to Reye syndrome

Eighteen adolescents who had survived Reye syndrome (RS) in early childhood were assessed on cognitive, emotional, and behavioural variables in a second follow-up study tracking this group. Siblings were used as controls. The entire group with RS had survived with no obvious neurological damage at the first follow-up study. Indeed, current findings suggested that long-term cognitive, emotional, and behavioural functioning was comparable to siblings in approximately half of the group with RS. However, two factors were associated with a less favourable outcome. Cognitive, emotional, and behavioural functioning were significantly poorer in the subgroup of survivors whose illness had occurred in the first year of life. In addition, loss of consciousness, although the association with poor outcome was not as noticeable, was also associated with relative deficits on some scales of cognitive ability. Many of these deficits had not been obvious at the first follow-up and the importance of neurodevelopmental factors are considered. Finally, the implications of these findings for research and interventions in RS and other such encephalopathies are discussed.

Ireland

‘Islands constitute natural unities; sea channels constitute natural divisions’. So wrote Kevin Howard (2006: 9) with particular reference to the two largest islands of the British Isles: Great Britain and Ireland. However, at the time of writing, the political unity of Great Britain is being called into question, while Ireland has been divided since the 1920s. Part of the island of Ireland is united not with the rest of the island, but with Great Britain across the other side of the ‘natural division’ that is the Irish Sea, for Ireland’s history, development and political structures have long been moulded by Great Britain. The journey to this ‘unnatural’ unity and the associated division of Ireland forms the material for this chapter.

Debating Darwin at the Cape

This paper focuses attention on the fortunes of Darwin's theory among the English-speaking community in Cape Colony during the latter part of the nineteenth century. The paper begins with a review of early encounters with Darwin dwelling particularly on the response of figures like Roderick Noble - professor and editor of the Cape Monthly Magazine, the geologist John Shaw, and Sir Henry Barkly, governor of the colony. Besides these more theoretical responses, Darwin's ideas were also mobilised in a range of scientific inquiries on such subjects as birds and butterflies. But most conspicuous was the use of evolutionary thought-forms in the work of the eminent philologist Wilhelm Bleek, cousin of Darwin's leading German apologist, Ernst Haeckel. The prevailing sense is of a liberal intelligentsia calmly interacting with a novel theory with all due deference. During the 1870s, an address by Langham Dale at the South African Public Library injected new energy into the Darwin discussion. Dale expressed disquiet over some of the anthropological implications of evolution as well as its apparent reductionism, and this stimulated a range of reactions. Several anonymous commentators responded but the most sustained evaluation of Dale's position emanated from the Queenstown physician and later politician, Sir William Bisset Berry. Then, in 1874, copious extracts from John Tyndall's infamous 'Belfast Address' were printed in the Cape Monthly and this added yet further impetus to the debate. Tyndall's seeming materialism bothered a number of readers, not least Hon William Porter, former attorney-general of Cape Colony. To figures like these the materialist extrapolations of radical Darwinians such as Haeckel were deeply disturbing, not just for religious reasons, but because they seemed to destabilise the moral and pedagogic progressivism that lay at the heart of their civilising credo. While reservations about Darwin's proposals were certainly audible, taken in the round Darwinian conversations among the English-speaking literati at the Cape were conducted with liberal sentiments, not least when evolutionary science approached questions of race. For Darwin's writings were seen to confirm a monogenetic account of the origin and unity of the human race, and could readily be called upon to justify the paternalistic ideology that governed colonial affairs.

Divided Conquerors: the Rump Parliament, Cromwell's Army and Ireland

This article reassesses the relationship that existed in the period 1649–53 between war in Ireland and politics in England. Drawing upon a largely overlooked Irish army petition, it seeks to remedy an evident disconnect between the respective historiographies of the Cromwellian conquest of Ireland on the one hand and the Rump Parliament on the other. The article reconstructs some of the various disputes over religion, authority and violence that undermined the unity of the English wartime regime in Ireland. It then charts the eventual spilling over of these disputes into Westminster politics, arguing that their impact on deteriorating army-parliament relations in the year prior to Oliver Cromwell’s expulsion of the Rump in April 1653 has not been fully appreciated. The key driver of these developments was John Weaver, a republican MP and commissioner for the civil government of Ireland. The article explains how his efforts both to place restraints on the excessive violence of the conquest and to exert civilian control over the military evolved, by 1652, into a determined campaign at Westminster to strengthen the powers of Ireland’s civil government and to limit the army’s share in the prospective Irish land settlement. Weaver’s campaign forced the army officers in Ireland to intervene at Westminster, thus placing increased pressure on the Rump Parliament. This reassessment also enables the early 1650s to be viewed more clearly as a key phase in the operation of the longer-term relationships of mutual influence that existed between Dublin and London in the seventeenth century.