6 resultados para VAT revenues


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Instead of abolishing internal border controls in 1993, the European Union (EU) replaced them with VAT and statistical requirements that appear to be just as onerous. For Dutch businesses, the compliance costs of the new requirements are, on average, 5 per cent of the value of their intra-EU trade. The figure is probably higher for other EU Member States. Obviously, the costs constitute a (differentiated) border tax that impedes intra-EU trade. The article analyses the determinants of the compliance costs, as well as their effect on intra-EU trade intensity. The article submits that the differential compliance costs violate the non-discrimination provisions of the EC Treaty. Suggestions are made to reduce them.

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Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, the newly independent oil-rich country of Kazakhstan has become a major recipient of foreign direct investment (FDI). Although international organisations such as the IMF and UNCTAD have claimed that FDI could be considered an engine in the transition from state socialism and as a powerful force for integration of this region into the global economy; this investment also poses significant risks to Kazakhstan. These risks fall into two broad categories: The first category can be broadly described as issues associated with the “resource curse” or the “Dutch Disease”. The term Dutch Disease describes a situation where booming demand in oil exporting countries, due to high oil revenues, leads to shift of an economy’s productive resources from the tradeable sector to the non-tradeable sector. The second category is associated with the over-dependency of oil exporting countries on a relatively small number of large multinational corporations (MNCs). This over-dependency can lead to a situation where licenses and concessions are granted at less favourable conditions than if they were auctioned in an efficient market. Examining the licensing policy of the Kazakhstani Energy and Mineral Resource Ministry, this paper notes that the latter issue of over-dependency has become less of a risk due to deliberate efforts to diversify investment relationships. Notwithstanding this situation there is some evidence that it remains difficult for oil exporting nations such as Kazakhstan to ensure that oil revenues are channelled into sustainable economic development.

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PURPOSE: To assess determinants of patients' willingness to pay (WTP) for potential components of a multi-tiered cataract surgical package offered by a non-governmental organization (NGO) in rural China. DESIGN: Cross-sectional study. METHODS: Demographic and clinical data were collected from 505 patients presenting for cataract screening or surgery in Yangjiang, China. Willingness to pay for potential enhancements to the current surgery package was assessed using a bidding format with random payment cards. RESULTS: Among 426 subjects (84.4%) completing interviews, the mean age was 73.9 ± 7.3 years, 67.6% were women and 73% (n = 310) would pay for at least one offering, with 33-38% WTP for each item. Among those who would pay, the mean WTP for food was US$1.68 ± 0.13, transportation US$3.24 ± 0.25, senior surgeon US$50.0 ± 3.36 and US$89.4 ± 4.19 for an imported intra-ocular lens (IOL). The estimated total recovery from these enhancements under various assumptions would be US$20-50 (compared to the current programme price of US$65). In multivariate models, WTP for the senior surgeon increased with knowledge of a person previously operated for cataract (OR = 2.13, 95% CI 1.42-3.18, p < 0.001). Willingness to pay for the imported IOL increased with knowledge of a previously operated person (OR = 1.85, 95% CI 1.24-2.75, p < 0.01) and decreased with age >75 years (OR = 0.61, 0.40-0.93, p < 0.05). CONCLUSIONS: Opportunities exist to increase cataract programme revenues through multi-tiered offerings in this setting, allowing greater subsidization of low-income patients. Personal familiarity with cataract surgery is important in determining WTP. © 2011 The Authors. Acta Ophthalmologica © 2011 Acta Ophthalmologica Scandinavica Foundation.

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The paper explores competitive balance in top tier English league football from its inception in 1888. It examines the extent to which finishing in the top four positions in successive seasons is the preserve of a small number of clubs. Using a range of statistical measures, the analysis shows that the current high levels of competitive imbalance are not new phenomena. The overall pattern approximates a ‘U curve’: current patterns parallel those in the 1890s. In the early years of English league football, differences in resources between clubs soon became apparent. Clubs from the larger conurbations generated consistently larger revenues than their counterparts in the smaller industrial towns. This was primarily the result of the larger crowds that they could attract to their home games. This enabled them to entice the best players to their clubs away from their smaller rivals. The introduction of the maximum wage in 1901 and the transfer system helped to stem these increasing inequalities between clubs. This coincided with a massive wave of new stadia construction which enabled all the clubs to compete on an increasingly level playing field. These conjunctural changes to English football before 1915 produced the era of relatively competitive football during the inter-war years. This continued until the abolition of the maximum wage in 1961. Since that time, competitive balance has reversed and become increasingly restricted. English top-tier football has re-entered an era of extreme competitive imbalance.