53 resultados para Free ports and zones
Resumo:
The high-temperature cubic-tetragonal phase transition of pure stoichiometric zirconia is studied by molecular dynamics (MD) simulations and within the framework of the Landau theory of phase transformations. The interatomic forces are calculated using an empirical, self-consistent, orthogonal tight-binding model, which includes atomic polarizabilities up to the quadrupolar level. A first set of standard MD calculations shows that, on increasing temperature, one particular vibrational frequency softens. The temperature evolution of the free-energy surfaces around the phase transition is then studied with a second set of calculations. These combine the thermodynamic integration technique with constrained MD simulations. The results seem to support the thesis of a second-order phase transition but with unusual, very anharmonic behavior above the transition temperature.
Resumo:
We describe an experimental system designed for single-shot photoelectron spectroscopy on free atoms and molecules at the Free Electron Laser in Hamburg (FLASH at DESY). The combination of the extreme ultra-violet (EUV) Free Electron Laser and a temporally synchronized optical fs laser (Ti:Sapphire) enables a variety of two-color pump-probe experiments. The spectral, temporal and spatial characteristics of both the EUV FEL and the optical laser pulses, the experimental procedure to control their overlap as well as the performance of an electron spectrometer used to obtain single-shot photoelectron spectra are discussed. As an illustration of the capabilities of this set-up, some results on two-photon two-color ionization of rare gases are presented. (c) 2007 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
Resumo:
In this paper, I critically assess John Rawls' repeated claim that the duty of civility is only a moral duty and should not be enforced by law. In the first part of the paper, I examine and reject the view that Rawls' position may be due to the practical difficulties that the legal enforcement of the duty of civility might entail. I thus claim that Rawls' position must be driven by deeper normative reasons grounded in a conception of free speech. In the second part of the paper, I therefore examine various arguments for free speech and critically assess whether they are consistent with Rawls' political liberalism. I first focus on the arguments from truth and self-fulfilment. Both arguments, I argue, rely on comprehensive doctrines and therefore cannot provide a freestanding political justification for free speech. Freedom of speech, I claim, can be justified instead on the basis of Rawls' political conception of the person and of the two moral powers. However, Rawls' wide view of public reason already allows scope for the kind of free speech necessary for the exercise of the two moral powers and therefore cannot explain Rawls' opposition to the legal enforcement of the duty of civility. Such opposition, I claim, can only be explained on the basis of a defence of unconstrained freedom of speech grounded in the ideas of democracy and political legitimacy. Yet, I conclude, while public reason and the duty of civility are essential to political liberalism, unconstrained freedom of speech is not. Rawls and political liberals could therefore renounce unconstrained freedom of speech, and endorse the legal enforcement of the duty of civility, while remaining faithful to political liberalism.
Resumo:
This article examines what is wrong with some expressive acts, ‘insults’. Their putative wrongfulness is distinguished from the causing of indirect harms, aggregated harms, contextual harms, and damaging misrepresentations. The article clarifies what insults are, making use of work by Neu and Austin, and argues that their wrongfulness cannot lie in the hurt that is caused to those at whom such acts are directed. Rather it must lie in what they seek to do, namely to denigrate the other. The causing of offence is at most evidence that an insult has been communicated; it is not independent grounds of proscription or constraint. The victim of an insult may know that she has been insulted but not accept or agree with the insult, and thereby submit to the insulter. Hence insults need not, as Waldron argues they do, occasion dignitary harms. They do not of themselves subvert their victims' equal moral status. The claim that hateful speech endorses inequality should not be conflated with a claim that such speech directly subverts equality.
Thus, ‘wounding words’ should not unduly trouble the liberal defender of free speech either on the grounds of preventing offence or on those of avoiding dignitary harms.
Resumo:
Purpose: To study the effect of free glasses combined with teacher incentives on in-school glasses wear among Chinese urban migrant children. Design: Cluster-randomized controlled trial. Methods: Children with VA <= 6/12 in either eye due to refractive error in 94 randomly-chosen primary schools underwent randomization by school to receive free glasses, education on their use and a teacher incentive (Intervention), or glasses prescriptions only (Control). Intervention group teachers received a tablet computer if >= 80% of children given glasses wore them during un-announced visits 6 weeks and 6 months (main outcome) after intervention. Results: Among 4376 children, 728 (16.7%, mean age 10.9 years, 51.0% boys) met enrollment criteria and were randomly allocated, 358 (49.2%, 47 schools) to Intervention and 370 (50.8%, 47 schools) to Control. Among these, 693 children (95.2%) completed the study and underwent analysis. Spectacle wear was significantly higher at 6 months among Intervention children (Observed [main outcome]: 68.3% versus 23.9%, Adjusted Odds Ratio [OR]=11.5, 95% Confidence Interval [CI] 5.91-22.5, P<0.001; Self-reported: 90.6% versus 32.1%, OR = 43.7, 95% CI = 21.7-88.5, P < 0.001). Other predictors of observed wear at 6 months included baseline spectacle wear (P<0.001), uncorrected VA<6/18 (P=0.01) and parental spectacle wear (P=0.02). The 6-month observed wear rate was only 41% among similar-aged children provided free glasses in our previous trial without teacher incentives. Conclusions: Free spectacles and teacher incentives maintain classroom wear in the large majority of children needing glasses over a school year. Low wear among Control children demonstrates the need for interventions.
Resumo:
Importance: The natural history of patients with newly diagnosed high-risk nonmetastatic (M0) prostate cancer receiving hormone therapy (HT) either alone or with standard-of-care radiotherapy (RT) is not well documented. Furthermore, no clinical trial has assessed the role of RT in patients with node-positive (N+) M0 disease. The STAMPEDE Trial includes such individuals, allowing an exploratory multivariate analysis of the impact of radical RT.
Objective: To describe survival and the impact on failure-free survival of RT by nodal involvement in these patients.
Design, Setting, and Participants: Cohort study using data collected for patients allocated to the control arm (standard-of-care only) of the STAMPEDE Trial between October 5, 2005, and May 1, 2014. Outcomes are presented as hazard ratios (HRs) with 95% CIs derived from adjusted Cox models; survival estimates are reported at 2 and 5 years. Participants were high-risk, hormone-naive patients with newly diagnosed M0 prostate cancer starting long-term HT for the first time. Radiotherapy is encouraged in this group, but mandated for patients with node-negative (N0) M0 disease only since November 2011.
Exposures: Long-term HT either alone or with RT, as per local standard. Planned RT use was recorded at entry.
Main Outcomes and Measures: Failure-free survival (FFS) and overall survival.
Results: A total of 721 men with newly diagnosed M0 disease were included: median age at entry, 66 (interquartile range [IQR], 61-72) years, median (IQR) prostate-specific antigen level of 43 (18-88) ng/mL. There were 40 deaths (31 owing to prostate cancer) with 17 months' median follow-up. Two-year survival was 96% (95% CI, 93%-97%) and 2-year FFS, 77% (95% CI, 73%-81%). Median (IQR) FFS was 63 (26 to not reached) months. Time to FFS was worse in patients with N+ disease (HR, 2.02 [95% CI, 1.46-2.81]) than in those with N0 disease. Failure-free survival outcomes favored planned use of RT for patients with both N0M0 (HR, 0.33 [95% CI, 0.18-0.61]) and N+M0 disease (HR, 0.48 [95% CI, 0.29-0.79]).
Conclusions and Relevance: Survival for men entering the cohort with high-risk M0 disease was higher than anticipated at study inception. These nonrandomized data were consistent with previous trials that support routine use of RT with HT in patients with N0M0 disease. Additionally, the data suggest that the benefits of RT extend to men with N+M0 disease.
Trial Registration: clinicaltrials.gov Identifier: NCT00268476; ISRCTN78818544.
Resumo:
It is often assumed that in order to avoid the most severe consequences of global anthropogenic climate change we have to preserve our existing carbon sinks, such as for instance tropical forests. Global carbon sink conservation raises a host of normative issues, though, since it is debatable who should pay the costs of carbon sink conservation, who has the duty to protect which sinks, and how far the duty to conserve one’s carbon sinks actually extends, especially if it conflicts with other duties one might have. According to some, forested states like Ecuador have a duty to preserve their tropical forests while the rich states of the global North have a duty of fairness to compensate states like Ecuador for the costs they incur. My aim in this paper is to critically analyse this standard line of argument and to criticise its validity both internally (i.e. with regard to its normative conclusion based on its premises) and externally (i.e. with regard to the argument’s underlying assumptions and its lack of contextualisation). As I will argue, the duty to conserve one’s forests is only a particular instantiation of a wider, more general duty to contribute towards global climate justice for which the context in which one operates (e.g. whether other agents are complying with their duties of global climate justice or not) matters significantly.