Influence of access to straw provided in racks on the welfare of sows in large dynamic groups

This experiment investigated the effect of providing access to straw in racks on the welfare of sows in large dynamic groups. Two treatments were applied: (1) access to two racks containing chopped barley straw (offering an average of 0.3 kg straw/sow/day) and (2) control, with no straw racks. Treatments were applied to two separate dynamic groups each containing 35 ( 3) sows. Approximately 9 sows were replaced in each of these groups at 3-week intervals (each replacement constituting a replicate of the study). Peak rack usage was shown between 08:00 and 12:00 h, where on average 6% of sows were observed at each rack. On average over a 24-h period, 27% of sows that were observed at the racks were newly introduced. This percentage was significantly greater in the pre- rather than post-feeding yard (P 0.05). A greater proportion of sows performed sham chewing behaviour in the post- rather than the pre-feeding yard (P 0.05). Overall, providing access to straw in racks led to a reduction in pen-directed exploratory behaviour, and this may reflect the fact that sows were provided with an outlet for exploratory and/or foraging behaviour. However, the fact that sham chewing behaviour was not affected suggests that welfare benefits associated with the straw rack treatment were limited. (C) 2007 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

Influence of access to grass silage on the welfare of sows introduced to a large dynamic group

This experiment investigated the effects of providing access to grass silage on the welfare of sows introduced to a large dynamic group. Two treatments were applied: (1) access to racks containing grass silage (offering an average of 1.9 kg silage/sow/day), and (2) control treatment with no grass silage racks. Treatments 1 and 2 were applied to two separate dynamic groups, each containing 37 (2) sows. Approximately 9 sows were replaced in both groups at 3-week intervals, and each of these replacements constituted a replicate of the study. The study was replicated six times using a total of 108 sows. In a time-based cross-over design, treatments were swapped between the two dynamic groups after three replicates. Highest levels of rack usage were shown between 08:00 and 14:00 h. During peak periods, 9.8% of sows were observed at the racks at a given time. On average, 78.5% of sows observed at the racks were newly-introduced animals. Overall levels of aggression to which newly-introduced sows were exposed on the day of introduction to the group were low, and did not differ significantly between treatments (P > 0.05). In addition, injury levels measured 1-week post-introduction to the group did not differ significantly between treatments (P > 0.05). Sham chewing behaviour was more prevalent in the post-rather than the pre-feeding yard (P

A microbiological survey of a constructed wetland system supplied by dairy 'dirty water' effluent

A constructed wetland at Greenmount College, Co. Antrim, N. Ireland was built in 2004 to study the treatment of ‘dirty water’ effluent from the Greenmount dairy unit. The effluent has a mean BOD5 of c.1000 mg/L and contains milking parlour wash-water and runoff from silage clamps and yard areas lightly contaminated with cattle manure. The nominal water retention time of this wetland is 100 days. The primary purposes of the wetland are to eliminate organic pollution and eutrophication risk from nitrogen and phosphorus compounds. However the wetland should also effectively remove any zoonotic pathogens present in manure and milk. Accordingly, a 12-month microbiological survey of water in the five ponds of the wetland commenced in August 2007. The aims of the survey are to determine changes, as effluent passes through the wetland system, in a broad range of indicator organisms (faecal coliforms, Escherichia coli, Enterococcus faecalis and Clostridium perfringens) and the occurrence of several pathogens - Salmonella, Campylobacter, Cryptosporidium and Mycobacterium avium subsp. paratuberculosis (Map). The highest indicator organism counts - E. coli and faecal coliforms, 103-104 CFU/ml - are observed in pond 1, and a significant reduction (1-3 log10) in all indicator organisms occurs as water passes through the wetland from pond 1 to pond 5. Hence the wetland is efficient at reducing levels of indicator organisms in the dairy effluent. Salmonella and Campylobacter spp. are being detected intermittently in all the ponds, whilst Cryptosporidium and Map have yet to be detected, and so the ability of the wetland to reduce/eliminate specific pathogens is less clear at present.

The emergence of bone technologies at the end of the pleistocene in Southeast Asia:Regional and evolutionary implications

For many decades Palaeolithic research viewed the development of early modern human behaviour as largely one of progress down a path towards the modernity of the present. The European Palaeolithic sequence the most extensively studied was for a long time the yard-stick against which records from other regions were judged. Recent work undertaken in Africa and increasingly Asia, however, now suggests that the European evidence may tell a story that is more parochial and less universal than previously thought. While tracking developments at the large scale (the grand narrative) remains important, there is growing appreciation that to achieve a comprehensive understanding of human behavioural evolution requires an archaeologically regional perspective to balance this. One of the apparent markers of human modernity that has been sought in the global Palaeolithic record, prompted by finds in the European sequence, is innovation in bonebased technologies. As one step in the process of re-evaluating and contextualizing such innovations, in this article we explore the role of prehistoric bone technologies within the Southeast Asian sequence, where they have at least comparable antiquity to Europe and other parts of Asia. We observe a shift in the technological usage of bone from a minor component to a medium of choice during the second half of the Last Termination and into the Holocene. We suggest that this is consistent with it becoming a focus of the kinds of inventive behaviour demanded of foraging communities as they adapted to the far-reaching environmental and demographic changes that were reshaping this region at that time. This record represents one small element of a much wider, much longerterm adaptive process, which we would argue is not confined to the earliest instances of a particular technology or behaviour, but which forms part of an on-going story of our behavioural evolution. © 2012 The McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research.

Environmental Inequalities and Democratic Citizenship: Linking Normative Theory with Empirical Research

The aim of this paper is to link empirical findings concerning environmental inequalities with different normative yard-sticks for assessing whether these inequalities should be deemed unjust, or not. We argue that such an inquiry must necessarily take into account some caveats regarding both empirical research and normative theory. We suggest that empirical results must be contextualised by establishing geographies of risk. As a normative yard-stick we propose a moderately demanding social-egalitarian account of justice and democratic citizenship, which we take to be best suited to identify unjust as well as legitimate instances of socio-environmental inequality.

Old Town Glasgow: Squalor, Agitation and City Improvements

In 1862, Glasgow Corporation initiated the first of a series of three legislative acts which would become known collectively as the City Improvements Acts. Despite having some influence on the nature of the built fabric on the expanding city as a whole, the most extensive consequences of these acts was reserved for one specific area of the city, the remnants of the medieval Old Town. As the city had expanded towards all points of the compass in a regular, grid-iron structure throughout the nineteenth century, the Old Town remained singularly as a densely wrought fabric of medieval wynds, vennels, oblique passageways and accelerated tenementalisation. Here, as the rest of the city began to assume the form of an ordered entity, visible and classifiable, one could still find and addresses such as ‘Bridgegate, No. 29, backland, stair first left, three up, right lobby, door facing’ (quoted in Pacione, 1995).

Unsurprisingly, this place, where proximity to the midden (dung-heap) was considered an enviable position, was seen by the authorities as a major health hazard and a source not only of cholera, but also of the more alarming typhoid epidemic of 1842. Accordingly, the demolitions which occurred in the backlands of the Old Town under the first of the acts, the Glasgow Police Act of 1862, were justified on health and medical grounds. But disease was not the only social problem thought to issue from this district. Reports from social reformers including Fredrick Engels suggested that the decay of the area’s physical fabric could be extended to the moral profile of its inhabitants. This was in such a state of degeneracy that there were calls for a nearby military barracks to be relocated to more salubrious climes because troops were routinely coming into contact ‘with the most dissolute and profligate portion of the population’ (Peter Clonston, Lord Provost, June 1861). Perhaps more worrying for the city fathers, however, was that the barracks’ arsenal was seen as a potential source of arms for the militant and often illegal cotton workers’ unions and organisations who inhabited the Old Town as well as the districts to the east. In fact, the Old Town and East End had been the site of numerous working class actions and riots since 1787, including a strike of 60,000 workers in 1820, 100,000 in 1838, and the so-called Bread Riots of 1848 where shouts of ‘Vive La Revolution’ were reported in the Gallowgate.

The events in Paris in 1848 precipitated Baron Hausmann’s interventions into that city. The boulevards were in turn visited by members of Glasgow Corporation and ultimately, it can be argued, provided an example for Old Town Glasgow. This paper suggests that the city improvement acts carried a similarly complex and pervasive agenda, one which embodied not only health, class conflict and sexual morality but also the more local condition of sectarianism. And, like in Paris, these were played out spatially in a extensive reconfiguration of the urban fabric of the Old Town which, through the creation of new streets and a railway yard, not only made it more amenable to large scale military manoeuvres but also, opened up the area to capitalist accumulation. By the end of the works, the medieval heritage of the Old Town had been almost completely razed, the working class and Catholic East End had, through the insertion of the railway yard, been isolated from the city centre and approximately 70,000 people had been made homeless.