'Battling in Brussels': The DUP and the European union

Although the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) does not conform to the model of Europeanization outlined by Ladrech (2002), there is some evidence of change along the lines identified by De Winter and Gomez-Reino (2002) with reference to other European ethnoregionalist parties. For example, the DUP has certainly adapted its behaviour and policies at both local and European levels with a view to exploiting new political opportunities offered by Europeanization. However, De Winter and Gomez-Reino's argument that participation in European institutions has made formerly-Eurosceptic ethnoregionalist parties 'moderate Eurocritics' does not fully apply to the DUP. The DUP continues to demonstrate a number of Eurosceptic characteristics, including ones grounded in extreme religious interpretations of the purpose and process of European integration. Nevertheless, the party's Eurosceptic outlook does not prevent it from being willing to 'battle in Brussels' (as put in its 2009 manifesto for the European elections) in order to serve domestic (party) interests - a tactic not dissimilar to the DUP's approach to Northern Ireland politics in general.

Dup discourses on violence and their impact on the northern ireland peace process

This paper analyses the Democratic Unionist Party's (DUP) discourses about paramilitary violence in Northern Ireland. Drawing on narrative analysis of DUP discourses reported in Northern Ireland's largest unionist newspaper, the News Letter (1998-2006), it explores the relationship between the party's identity, its discourses about republican and loyalist paramilitaries, and the impact of these words on the DUP's electoral success and on the peace process. The paper argues that these discourses may haunt the progress of peace-building, not least because the DUP will find it hard to disentangle itself from a history of scepticism and nay-saying even as it takes a leading role in a devolved Executive designed by an Agreement it longscorned.

Preaching to the Choir? An Analysis of DUP Discourses about the Northern Ireland Peace Process

This article analyses the Democratic Unionist Party's (DUP) discursive responses to the Northern Ireland peace process. Drawing on narrative analysis of DUP discourses in the Belfast News Letter (1998–2005), it argues that the party has articulated five themes: the de‐legitimisation of David Trimble and the Ulster Unionist Party, the immorality of the peace process, the security threat, the victimisation of Protestants, and the ‘renegotiation’ of the Belfast Agreement. These discourses are analysed in light of a framework for understanding the relationship between the party's public discourses and the political strategies that have allowed for its electoral success. The framework includes the relationship between discourses, agenda‐setting in the media, ‘the politics of support’, and ‘the politics of power’. It considers how the DUP's discourses may impact on its relationships with nationalists and unionists. However, efforts by the DUP to communicate with the unionist grassroots may allow it to minimise alienation, thus contributing to a space in which principles such as power‐sharing can become bedded down.

Confirmatory factor analysis of the adolescent self-report strengths and difficulties questionnaire

The Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ) is a widely used 25-item screening test for emotional and behavioral problems in children and adolescents. This study attempted to critically examine the factor structure of the adolescent self-report version. As part of an ongoing longitudinal cohort study, a total of 3,753 pupils completed the SDQ when aged 12. Both three- and five-factor exploratory factor analysis models were estimated. A number of deviations from the hypothesized SDQ structure were observed, including a lack of unidimensionality within particular subscales, cross-loadings, and items failing to load on any factor. Model fit of the confirmatory factor analysis model was modest, providing limited support for the hypothesized five-component structure. The analyses suggested a number of weaknesses within the component structure of the self-report SDQ, particularly in relation to the reverse-coded items.

Can Civil Society Succeed Where Elites Have Failed in the War on Sectarianism? Towards an infinitely demanding politics for the North

Caught between the well-armed imaginations of paramilitary organisations competing for the hearts and minds of a divided population, and state engineering of a liberal peace, civil society's impact on Northern Ireland's identity politics was limited during the thirty-year conflict. Specifically, the community and voluntary sector itself has tended to replicate as much as it challenged patterns of segregation in many of its own structures. With plans set out in the Northern Ireland Executive's Programme for Government (2008-11) to engage civil society in opening a new era of ‘good relations’ work to counter sectarianism and racism, civil society organisations will face a complex terrain, facing scepticism about their contribution to peace-making before the Good Friday Agreement, and working in a post-Agreement environment marked by continuing elite and communal antagonism demonstrated by the crisis at the turn of 2009 over devolution of justice and policing powers to the Northern Ireland Executive. A significant aspect of the resolution was a belated agreement by Sinn Fein and the DUP on a new community relation strategy, Cohesion, Sharing and Integration. This article suggests that civil society has a significant role to play in encouraging communities to confront the contradictions and tensions that continue to haunt the political architects of the Good Friday Agreement by affirming a radical and contingent vision of democracy as democratisation at a distance from the identity-saturated politics of the state-region of Northern Ireland. It draws on the work of Simon Critchley, Emmanuel Levinas and Wendy Brown, to offer an approach to identity politics in post-conflict Northern Ireland, focusing on the future orientation of civil society.

Introduction to Domain-Driven Data Mining Special Section

In the last decade, data mining has emerged as one of the most dynamic and lively areas in information technology. Although many algorithms and techniques for data mining have been proposed, they either focus on domain independent techniques or on very specific domain problems. A general requirement in bridging the gap between academia and business is to cater to general domain-related issues surrounding real-life applications, such as constraints, organizational factors, domain expert knowledge, domain adaption, and operational knowledge. Unfortunately, these either have not been addressed, or have not been sufficiently addressed, in current data mining research and development.Domain-Driven Data Mining (D3M) aims to develop general principles, methodologies, and techniques for modeling and merging comprehensive domain-related factors and synthesized ubiquitous intelligence surrounding problem domains with the data mining process, and discovering knowledge to support business decision-making. This paper aims to report original, cutting-edge, and state-of-the-art progress in D3M. It covers theoretical and applied contributions aiming to: 1) propose next-generation data mining frameworks and processes for actionable knowledge discovery, 2) investigate effective (automated, human and machine-centered and/or human-machined-co-operated) principles and approaches for acquiring, representing, modelling, and engaging ubiquitous intelligence in real-world data mining, and 3) develop workable and operational systems balancing technical significance and applications concerns, and converting and delivering actionable knowledge into operational applications rules to seamlessly engage application processes and systems.