6 resultados para Constitutional history -- Australia.


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Cores from slopes east of the Great Barrier Reef (GBR) challenge traditional models for sedimentation on tropical mixed siliciclastic-carbonate margins. However, satisfactory explanations of sediment accumulation on this archetypal margin that include both hemipelagic and turbidite sedimentation remain elusive, as submarine canyons and their role in delivering coarse-grained turbidite deposits, are poorly understood. Towards addressing this problem we investigated the shelf and canyon system bordering the northern Ribbon Reefs and reconstructed the history of turbidite deposition since the Late Pleistocene. High-resolution bathymetric and seismic data show a large paleo-channel system that crosses the shelf before connecting with the canyons via the inter-reef passages between the Ribbon Reefs. High-resolution bathymetry of the canyon axis reveals a complex and active system of channels, sand waves, and local submarine landslides. Multi-proxy examination of three cores from down the axis of the canyon system reveals 18 turbidites and debrites, interlayered with hemipelagic muds, that are derived from a mix of shallow and deep sources. Twenty radiocarbon ages indicate that siliciclastic-dominated and mixed turbidites only occur prior to 31 ka during Marine Isotope Stage (MIS) 3, while carbonate-dominated turbidites are well established by 11 ka in MIS1 until as recently as 1.2 ka. The apparent lack of siliciclastic-dominated turbidites and presence of only a few carbonate-dominated turbidites during the MIS2 lowstand are not consistent with generic models of margin sedimentation but might also reflect a gap in the turbidite record. These data suggest that turbidite sedimentation in the Ribbon Reef canyons, probably reflects the complex relationship between the prolonged period (> 25 ka) of MIS3 millennial sea level changes and local factors such as the shelf, inter-reef passage depth, canyon morphology and different sediment sources. On this basis we predict that the spatial and temporal patterns of turbidite sedimentation could vary considerably along the length of the GBR margin.

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This article reconstructs British constitutional policy in Northern Ireland after power-sharing collapsed in May 1974. Over the following two years, the British government publicly emphasised that Northern Ireland would decide its own future, but ministers secretly considered a range of options including withdrawal, integration and Dominion status. These discussions have been fundamentally misunderstood by previous authors, and this article shows that Harold Wilson did not seriously advocate withdrawal nor was policy as inconsistent as argued elsewhere. An historical approach, drawing from recently released archival material, shows that consociationalists such as Brendan O'Leary and Michael Kerr have neglected the proper context of government policy because of their commitment to a particular form of government, failing to recognise the constraints under which ministers operated. The British government remained committed to an internal devolved settlement including both communities but was unable to impose one.

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Secularism has emerged as a central category of twenty-first century political thought that in many ways has replaced the theory of secularization. According to postcolonial scholars, neither the theory nor the practice of secularization was politically neutral. They define secularism as the set of discourses, policies, and constitutional arrangements whereby modern states and liberal elites have sought to unify nations and divide colonial populations. This definition is quite different from the original meaning of secularism, as an immanent scientific worldview linked to anticlericalism. Anthropologist Talal Asad has connected nineteenth-century worldview secularism to twenty-first century political secularism through a genealogical account that stresses continuities of liberal hegemony. This essay challenges this account. It argues that liberal elites did not merely subsume worldview secularism in their drive for state secularization. Using the tools of conceptual history, the essay shows that one reason that “secularization” only achieved its contemporary meaning in Germany after 1945 was that radical freethinkers and other anticlerical secularists had previously resisted liberal hegemony. The essay concludes by offering an agenda for research into the discontinuous history of these two types of secularism.

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This article focuses on the issue of Northern Ireland's representation at Westminster. It investigates the political context of the decision to increase Northern Ireland's representation in the house of commons at Westminster from 12 members to 17 in 1978-9. Exploring this episode in more detail, it is argued, provides a more informed overall understanding of the history of devolution in the UK and of the way issues concerning Northern Ireland often overlapped with questions of constitutional change in Scotland and Wales. The article also throws light on the matter of Northern Ireland MPs and their voting rights at Westminster during Northern Ireland's experience of devolution prior to 1972.