Cryopreservation of human semen and prepared sperm: effects on motility parameters and DNA integrity

Objective: To investigate effects of cryopreservation on sperm motility and DNA integrity. Design: Pre-cryopreservation and post-cryopreservation analysis of motility and DNA integrity of semen and prepared sperm samples. Setting: A hospital andrology laboratory. Patient(s): Forty men attending the Regional Fertility Centre, Belfast, Northern Ireland. Intervention(s): Each sample was divided, and an aliquot was frozen unprepared. Remaining aliquots were prepared by Percoll density centrifugation (95.0:47.5) or direct swim-up procedure and divided into aliquots to allow direct comparison of fresh and frozen semen and prepared sperm (frozen with or without the addition of seminal plasma) from the same ejaculate. Samples were frozen by static-phase vapor cooling and being plunged into liquid nitrogen. Thawing was carried out at room temperature. Main Outcome Measure(s): Sperm DNA integrity was determined using a modified alkaline single cell gel electrophoresis (comet) assay, and motility was determined using computer-assisted semen analysis. Result(s): Sperm frozen unprepared in seminal fluid appeared more resistant to freezing damage than frozen prepared sperm. Further improvements can be achieved by selecting out the subpopulation of sperm with best motility and DNA integrity and freezing these sperm in seminal plasma, making this the optimal procedure. Conclusion(s): Freezing sperm in seminal plasma improves postthaw motility and DNA integrity.

The Terror that Underpins the “Peace”: The Political Economy of Colombia's Paramilitary Demobilization Process

Studies on terrorism have traditionally focused on non-state actors who direct violence against liberal states. These studies also tend to focus on political motivations and, therefore, have neglected the economic functions of terrorism. This article challenges the divorce of the political and economic spheres by highlighting how states can use terrorism to realise interconnected political and economic goals. To demonstrate this, we take the case of the paramilitary demobilisation process in Colombia and show how it relates to the US-Colombian free trade agreement. We argue that the demobilisation process fulfils a dual role. First, the process aims to improve the image of the Colombian government required to pass the controversial free trade agreement through US Congress to protect large amounts of US investment in the country. Second, the demobilisation process serves to mask clear continuities in paramilitary terror that serve mutually supportive political and economic functions for US investment in Colombia.

Transitional justice, demobilization, and peacebuilding amid political violence: Examining individual preferences in the Caribbean coast of Colombia

The conventional wisdom in the transitional justice literature is that there is no one-size-fits-all approach. This article suggests that this may also be true within a given state. The current paper reports on quantitative and qualitative data from 184 participants in a survey conducted in the Caribbean coast of Colombia. Results suggest widespread support for transitional justice mechanisms – such as perpetrator accountability, public acknowledgement and structural change – but dissatisfaction with national-level initiatives, specifically the 2005 Justice and Peace Law. Yet, despite a distrust of the national government and protracted conflict, individuals report social trust, community cohesion and reliance on local government institutions. These attitudes and behaviours suggest that decentralised transitional justice mechanisms may be more effective in meeting victims' needs. Moreover, analyses indicate that individual preferences are influenced by community factors, such as the presence of demobilised paramilitaries, which can be addressed through more localised approaches to promote peacebuilding. The paper concludes with best practices derived from the findings.

Beyond Attribution: Responsibility of Armed Non-State Actors for Reparations in Northern Ireland, Colombia and Uganda

This chapter explores the responsibility of armed non-state actors for reparations to victims. Traditionally international law has focused on the responsibility of the state, and more recently the responsibility of convicted individuals before the International Criminal Court, to provide reparations for international crimes. Yet despite the prevalence of internal armed conflict over the past few decades, there responsibility of armed groups for reparations has been neglected in international law. Although there is a tentative emerging basis for armed groups to provide reparations under international law, such developments have not yet crystallized into hard law. However, when considering the more substantive practice of states in Northern Ireland, Colombia and Uganda, a greater effort can be discerned in ensuring that such organizations are responsible for reparations. This paper finds that not only can armed non-state actors be held collectively responsible for reparations, but due to the growing number of internal armed conflict they can play an important role in ensuring the effectiveness of reparations in remedying victims’ harm. Yet, finding armed groups responsible for reparations is no panacea for accountability, due to the nature of armed conflicts, responsibility may not be distinct, but overlapping and joint, and such groups may face difficulties in meeting their obligations, thus requiring a holistic approach and subsidiary role for the state.