The Nineteenth Century Law of the Sea and the British Abolition of the Slave Trade

This study focuses on British attempts during the nineteenth century to outlaw the Atlantic Slave Trade internationally, for which it was successful, after seventy-five years of effort. It considers the lack of willingness to allow Great Britain, at the Congress of Vienna and during the Concert of Europe, to establish a universal treaty outlawing the slave trade. As a result, this mandated a change in British tactics, which would ultimately prove to be successful – the establishment of a web of bilateral agreements which came to included all maritime powers. The study then moves on to consider the evolution of these bilateral agreements while highlighting the relationship between Great Britain and States (Brazil, France, Portugal and the United States) which were obstinate in their willingness to join this bilateral regime. Finally, consideration is given to the move towards the establishment of the 1890 General Act of Brussels; and thus the conclusion of the decades long British foreign policy objective of a universal instrument meant to suppress the Atlantic Slave Trade.

Placing political economy: organising opposition to free trade before the abolition of the Corn Laws

The unfurling of global capitalism – and its attendant effects – has long been fertile intellectual terrain for geographers. But whilst studies of the processes and mechanisms of globalisation undoubtedly assume a talismanic importance in the discipline, geographers, with few exceptions, have left examinations of early economic liberalism to historians. One such critically important episode in the evolution of the liberal economic project was the repeal of the so-called 'Corn Laws' in 1846. Whilst the precise impact of the Manchester-based Anti-Corn Law League (ACLL) continues to be a matter of conjecture, Eric Sheppard has asserted that their particular take on political economy managed to assume a 'truth-like status' and worldwide universality. But the ACLL's campaign represents only one, albeit decisive, stage in the long intellectual and practical struggle between 'protectionists' and the disciples of free trade. Studies of the non-'Manchester' components have tended to focus squarely upon national politics. This paper examines a pivotal attempt in 1838 by Lord Melbourne's Government to experiment with the effective elimination of import duties on fresh fruit. Unlike most agricultural commodities, table fruit was produced in a tightly defined area, thus allowing the Government's experiment to play out, in theory, without national political fallout. Whilst the Government's clandestine actions left little time for a concerted opposition to develop, Kentish fruit growers soon organised. A formidable lobby was forged that drew wide local support yet also evolved beyond the original 'epistemic community'. Whilst the coalition failed in their efforts to reintroduce protective duties, their actions allow us to see how protectionist ideologies and policies were vivified through practices at many different spatial scales and to better understand the complex spatiality of protectionist takes on political economy. Their campaign also changed – at least in the short term – the course of British mercantile policy.

Bicameralism in the Republic of Ireland: The Seanad Abolition Referendum

Whether or not a legislature is uni- or bi-cameral has been found to have important consequences. Ireland's 1937 constitution provided for a directly elected lower chamber (Dáil Éireann) and an indirectly elected upper chamber (Seanad Éireann). With the appointment to government in 2011 of two political parties with a common electoral commitment to abolish bicameralism, the subsequent coalition agreement included a promise to hold a referendum offering voters the option to move to a unicameral parliamentary system. On 4 October 2013, the electorate voted to retain the upper chamber, albeit by a narrow majority of 51.7 per cent, on a turnout of 39.17 per cent. The outcome was arguably surprising, given that opinion polls signalled a plurality of voters favoured abolition, and there was a general public antipathy towards political institutions in the midst of a major economic crisis. Public opinion research suggests that a combination of factors explained voting behaviour, including a lack of interest amongst those who did not vote. A cost savings argument was a significant factor for those favouring abolition, while concerns over government control of the legislative process appear to have been most prominent in the minds of those who voted to retain the upper chamber.

Erythropoietin receptor expression in non-small cell lung carcinoma: a question of antibody specificity

Immunohistochemical studies on formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded (FFPE) tissue utilizing polyclonal antibodies form the cornerstone of many reports claiming to demonstrate erythropoietin receptor (EPOR) expression in malignant tissue. Recently, Elliott et al. (Blood 2006;107:1892-1895) reported that the antibodies commonly used to detect EPOR expression also detect non-EPOR proteins, and that their binding to EPOR was severely abrogated by two synthetic peptides based on the sequence of heat shock protein (HSP) 70, HSP70-2, and HSP70-5. We have investigated the specificity of the C20 antibody for detecting EPOR expression in non-small cell lung carcinoma (NSCLC) utilizing tissue microarrays. A total of 34 cases were available for study. Antibody absorbed with peptide resulted in marked suppression of cytoplasmic staining compared with nonabsorbed antibody. Four tumors that initially showed a membranous pattern of staining retained this pattern with absorbed antibody. Positive membranous immunoreactivity was also observed in 6 of 30 tumors that originally showed a predominantly cytoplasmic pattern of staining. Using the C20 antibody for Western blots, we detected three main bands, at 100, 66, and 59 kDa. Preincubation with either peptide caused abolition of the 66-kDa band, which contains non-EPOR sequences including heat shock peptides. These results call into question the significance of previous immunohistochemical studies of EPOR expression in malignancy and emphasize the need for more specific anti-EPOR antibodies to define the true extent of EPOR expression in neoplastic tissue

Comparison of mechanical and electrical activity and interstitial cells of Cajal in urinary bladders from wild-type and W/W-v mice

Background and purpose: W/Wv and wild-type murine bladders were studied to determine whether the W/Wv phenotype, which causes a reduction in, but not abolition of, tyrosine kinase activity, is a useful tool to study the function of bladder interstitial cells of Cajal (ICC).

Experimental approach: Immunohistochemistry, tension recordings and microelectrode recordings of membrane potential were performed on wild-type and mutant bladders.

Key results: Wild-type and W/Wv detrusors contained c-Kit- and vimentin-immunopositive cells in comparable quantities, distribution and morphology. Electrical field stimulation evoked tetrodotoxin-sensitive contractions in wild-type and W/Wv detrusor strips. Atropine reduced wild-type responses by 50% whereas a 25% reduction occurred in W/Wv strips. The atropine-insensitive component was blocked by pyridoxal-5-phosphate-6-azophenyl-2',4'-disulphonic acid in both tissue types. Wild-type and W/Wv detrusors had similar resting membrane potentials of -48 mV. Spontaneous electrical activity in both tissue types comprised action potentials and unitary potentials. Action potentials were nifedipine-sensitive whereas unitary potentials were not. Excitatory junction potentials were evoked by single pulses in both tissues. These were reduced by atropine in wild-type tissues but not in W/Wv preparations. The atropine-insensitive component was abolished by pyridoxal-5-phosphate-6-azophenyl-2',4'-disulphonic acid in both preparations.

Conclusions and implications: Bladders from W/Wv mice contain c-Kit- and vimentin-immunopositive ICC. There are similarities in the electrical and contractile properties of W/Wv and wild-type detrusors. However, significant differences were found in the pharmacology of the responses to neurogenic stimulation with an apparent up-regulation of the purinergic component. These findings indicate that the W/Wv strain may not be the best model to study ICC function in the bladder.

Oltre il "Momento dell'Abolizione":Saggio in memoria di Louk Hulsman

This article is written to celebrate the fine contribution and constant optimism of Louk Hulsman to the debate about penal abolition, the rethinking of popular and political discourses on ‘crime’, and the institutionalised responses of the ‘criminal justice system’. Reflecting on his experiences of incarceration and on his critical analysis of the political economic relations of power, Louk Hulsman talked of the defining ‘moment of abolition’ – his reading of Thomas Mathiesen’s ground-breaking text, The Politics of Abolition. Having considered the key elements of Louk Hulsman’s work and its critical challenge to the criminological enterprise, the article explores the apparent political contradiction in campaigning for humane conditions while seeking abolition within the context of an ever-expanding, global prison-industrial complex.

pLR-HL: a novel amphibian Bowman-Birk-type trypsin inhibitor from the skin secretion of the broad-folded frog, Hylarana latouchii

In this study, we report a novel heptadecapeptide (LIGGCWTKSIPPKPCLV) of the pLR/ranacyclin family, named pLR-HL, whose structure was deduced from its biosynthetic precursor-encoding cDNA cloned from the skin secretion-derived cDNA library of the broad-folded frog, Hylarana latouchii, by employing a "shotgun" cloning technique. It contains a disulphide loop between Cys5 and Cys15 which is consistent with Bowman-Birk-type protease inhibitors. The primary structure of pLR-HL deduced from the cDNA sequence was confirmed by fractionating the skin secretion using reverse phase HPLC and subsequent analysis using MALDI-TOF mass spectrometry and LC/MS/MS fragmentation sequencing. On the basis of the establishment of unequivocal amino acid sequence, a synthetic replicate was synthesised by solid-phase Fmoc chemistry, and it displayed a moderately potent trypsin inhibition with a Ki of 143 nM. The substitution of Lys-8 by Phe (Phe8 -pLR-HL) resulted in abolition of trypsin inhibition but generation of modest inhibition on chymotrypsin with a Ki of 2.141 μM. Additionally, both the disulphide loops of pLR-HL and Phe8 -pLR-HL were synthesised and tested. Both of the catalytic loops retained similar inhibitory potencies towards trypsin or chymotrypsin in comparison with the original intact molecules. Thus, the replacement of reactive site residues could alter the specificity of these protease inhibitors, while the canonical reactive loop alone can independently constitute biologically-active moiety.

Holding Shareholders to Account: British Banking Stability and Contingent Capital

This chapter seeks to explain the relative stability of the British banking system in terms of its capital structure. From 1826 joint-stock banking was allowed, but shareholder liability was jointly and severally unlimited. Limited liability banks were allowed from 1857–8, but these banks issued partly paid shares with an obligation on shareholders to subscribe for uncalled capital. Contingent capital meant that shareholders and managers would suffer losses in the event of failure and this discouraged risk shifting at the expense of note-holders and depositors. Although individual banks collapsed, the failure rate of banks (in terms of number or capital) did not reach a critical level—10 per cent—beyond which the payments system might have been threatened. This chapter argues that agency problems and systemic risk rose after the abolition of contingent share capital in 1958 and the deregulation of the banking sector in the 1970s.

Contested urbanism: Access and control issues in Tundikhel, Kathmandu

Contested Open Spaces?: Access and control issues in Tundikhel, Kathmandu

Public spaces play a role of political, economic and cultural transformation of cities and the impact of these transformations on the nature of public space.

Urban open space(s) in Kathmandu have been an important part of the city’s urbanism. Historically they have played an important role in the city as spaces for religious, cultural, social and political and military activities during the 300 years of unified monarchy. Throughout the civil war period (Maoist insurgency between 1996 and 2006) they became material locations for political activities, and a site for protests and dharnas. In post-conflict Kathmandu, especially since the abolition of Monarchy in May 28, 2008, these spaces are increasingly seen being claimed by street hawkers, informal sellers and individuals reflecting a new set of users and functions, whereas a significant part of Tundikhel still remains under the military occupation posing important questions around access, identity and control of an important space.


Public spaces are broadly defined as crossroads where different paths and trajectories meet, sometimes overlapping and other times colliding (Madanipour, 2003). Using Tudikhel in Kathmandu, this research examines the increasing collision and contestations witnessed through social, political and neoliberal interactions. It explores how spaces are constantly
contested, negotiated and as a result reshaped through these interactions. It is observed that multiple forces are at play to gain control and access of this important open space, leading to increasing fragmentation of the space, and erosion of its historic significance both as cultural venue and a symbol of democracy in modern Nepal. It is argued that increasing disconnection of Tudikhel from wider urban setting has contributed to exacerbation of these contestations

Bearing Witness to the 'Pain of Others': Researching Power, Violence and Resistance in a Women's Prison

Addressing the dynamics of interpersonal violence, institutionalised abuses and prisoner isolation, this article consolidates critical analyses as challenges to the essentially liberal constructions and interpretations of prisoner agency and penal reformism. Grounded in long-term research with women in prison in the North of Ireland, it connects embedded, punitive responses that undermine women prisoners’ self-esteem and mental health to the brutalising manifestations of formal and informal punishments, including lockdowns and isolation. It argues that critical social research into penal policy and prison regimes has a moral duty, an ethical obligation and a political responsibility to investigate abuses of power, seek out the ‘view from below’. Challenging the revisionism implicit within the ‘healthy prison’ discourse, it argues for alternatives to prison as the foundation of decarceration and abolition.

Doing Gendered Time: The Harms of Women's Imprisonment

This chapter focuses on women’s imprisonment in the context of gendered punishment inflicted by the State. It considers the gender-specific consequences of incarceration for women prisoners and the potential of gender-responsive alternatives to custodial sentences. Following a brief historical overview, it traces the rise and consolidation of women’s incarceration in UK jurisdictions, noting the significance of devolution on the prison systems of Scotland and Northern Ireland. In examining the impact of neo-liberal policies and globalisation on women’s imprisonment, it draws comparisons with other advanced democratic states. Analysing the rationale underpinning the disproportionate rise in women’s incarceration, particularly in the UK and the USA the chapter identifies the persistent tensions between retributivism/ incapacitation and reformism/rehabilitation. Drawing on international research demonstrating the complex needs and vulnerabilities of women and girl prisoners, the chapter reveals the gendered harm experienced within penal regimes and the recent development - and limitations - of official gender-specific policies and practices. The emergence of distinct but related political discourses on ‘risk’ and ‘responsibilisation’ as applied to women in conflict with the law, and their consequent criminalisation, is critiqued in the contexts of structural disadvantage, gender discrimination and institutionalised racism. Within these oppressive dynamics often severe deprivations are inflicted on women’s acts of resistance both inside prison and in their communities post-release, further confining the potential of individual and collective agency. Finally, the chapter proposes fundamental change through establishing women-centred alternatives to prison, alongside policies committed to decarceration, while working towards securing the abolition of women’s imprisonment.

Review of Slavery by Any Other Name: African Life under Company Rule in Colonial Mozambique.

Book review of Slavery by Any Other Name: African Life under Company Rule in Colonial Mozambique, by Eric Allina, Charlottesville, University of Virginia Press, 2012, 255 pp., £44.50, ISBN 978-0-8139-3272-9.

Contracts for the Sale of Land: Understanding the Impecuniosity Defence

Where either the seller or buyer of landed property fails to complete a contract to sell land the non-breaching party has a right to seek specific performance of the contract. This remedy would compel the party in default to perform the contract on pain of being held in contempt of court if the court's order is not obeyed. The defaulting party would not be able to satisfy its obligations under the law by paying a sum of money as damages for breach of contract. This paper considers the impecuniosity defence to specific performance as recognised by courts in Northern Ireland, the Republic of Ireland, Australia and New Zealand. Where the buyer demonstrates that he or she simply cannot raise the funds to buy the property specific performance will not be decreed and the court will make an award of damages for breach of contract measured by the difference between the contract price and the market price of the property at the time of default. The paper considers the nature and parameters of this defence and how it differs (if at all) from the alternative defence of extreme hardship. The paper addresses the question of whether it might be better to move to a position where sellers of land in all cases no longer enjoy a presumption of specific performance but have to demonstrate that the alternative remedy of damages is clearly inadequate. If this should be so the paper goes on to consider whether abolition of the presumption in favour of specific performance for sellers should lead to abolition of the presumption of specific performance for buyers, as is the position in Canada following the Supreme Court's decision in Semelhago v Paramadevan [1996] 2 SCR 415.