The role of sexual steroids in the modulation of growth hormone (GH) secretion in humans

Sex steroids contribute to modulate GH secretion in man. However, both the exact locus and mechanism by which their actions are exerted still remain not clearly understood. We undertook a number of studies designed to ascertain: (1) whether or not sudden or chronic changes in circulating gonadal steroids may affect GH secretion in normal adults; and (2) the reason(s) for gender-related dimorphic pattern of GH release. The pituitary reserve of GH, as evaluated by means of a GHRH challenge, was similar in women with anorexia nervosa and in normally menstruating women. Estrogenic receptor blockade with tamoxifen (TMX) did not significantly change GHRH-induced GH response in these normal women. Therefore, acute or chronic hypoestrogenism apparently had no important effects at level of somatotrophs. In another group of normal women we tested the possibility that changes in circulating estrogens might induce changes in the hypothalamic-somatotroph rhythm (HSR). GHRH challenges were performed throughout a menstrual cycle, and again after having achieved functional ovarian blockade with a GnRH agonist treatment. Short-term ovarian blockade did not significantly affect the parameters of GH response to GHRH, although it was accompanied by an increase in the number of women ina refractory HSR phase at testing. This suggested a low potentiating effect on the basic pattern of somatostatin (SS) release occurring as a consequence of the decrease in circulating estrogens. In normal men, neither the GH response to GHRH nor the HSR were affected by functional testicular blockade (after GnRH agonist treatment). However, the administration of testosterone enanthate (250 mg) to another group of men increased both the GHRH-induced GH release and the number of subjects in a spontaneous secretory HSR phase at testing; these were reversed by estrogenic receptor blockade with TMS. In another group of normal men, the fraction of GH secreted in pulses (FGHP) during a nocturnal sampling period was significantly decreased by testicular blockade. Other parameters of GH secretion, such as the number of GH pulses and their mean amplitude (A), and the mean plasma GH concentration (MCGH), showed a slight, although not significant, decrease following the lack of androgens. The administration of testosterone enanthate (500 mg) reversed these parameters to values similar to those in the basal study. Interestingly, when tamoxifen was given after testosterone enanthate, A, MCGH and FGHP increased to values significantly higher than in any other experimental condition in that study. In all, these data suggest that 17ß-estradiol may participate in GH modulation by inhibiting the hypothalamic release of somatostatin, while testosterone stimulates it. The results obtained after estrogenic receptor blockade appear to indicate that the effect of testosterone in such a modulation is dependent on its aromatization to 17ß-estradiol. The differential levels of this steroid in both sexes might account for the sexual dimorphic pattern of GH secretion. From other data in the literature, obtained in rats, and our preliminary data in children with constitutional delay of growth and puberty, it is tempting to speculate that the effect of 17ß-estradiol may be exerted by modifying the functional activity of a-2 adrenergic pathways involved in the negative modulation of SS release.

The Use of 'Shame' with Sexual Offenders

This article explores the use of shaming mechanisms with sexual offenders, particularly those who offend against children. Shaming, a central concept in the broader theory of restorative justice, may be of two varieties. The first, ‘disintegrative shaming’, characterises the traditional retributive framework of justice and is evident in recent state led and popular responses to the risk posed by released sexual offenders. Far from ensuring offender integration, the net result is often labelling, stigmatisation, ostracism and a return to offending behaviour. The second, ‘reintegrative shaming’, affirms the offender’s membership within law abiding society. This has been used in several jurisdictions as the basis of restorative support and treatment networks for sexual offenders where the community works in partnership with state and voluntary agencies. Contrary to arguments put forward by critics of restorative justice, this article argues that such cases may be particularly suitable for a restorative approach.

''Setting 'Em Up'': Personal, Familial and Institutional Grooming in the Sexual Abuse of Children

The term ‘grooming’ has been used to describe the offender’s actions during the preparatory stage of sexual abuse. This paper will argue that current discourses on grooming have created ambiguities and misunderstandings about child sexual abuse. In particular, the popular focus on ‘stranger danger’ belies the fact that the majority of children are abused by someone well known to them, where grooming can also occur. Current discourses also neglect other important facets of the sex offending pattern. They fail to consider that offenders may groom not only the child but also their family and even the local community who may act as the gatekeepers of access. They also ignore what can be termed ‘institutional grooming’ – that sex offenders may groom criminal justice and other institutions into believing that they present no risk to children. A key variable in the grooming process is the creation and subsequent abuse of trust. Given that the criminal law may be somewhat limited in its response to this type of behaviour, ultimately concerted efforts must be made to foster social and organisational awareness of such processes in order to reduce the offender’s opportunity for abuse.

Sexual behaviour of young people in Northern Ireland: First sexual experience

Two National Surveys of Sexual Attitudes and Lifestyles in Britain (Natsal) were conducted, one in 1990 and one in 2000. Northern Ireland was excluded from both studies. Now, for the first time, comparable data about sexual attitudes and lifestyles of young people (14- to 25-year-olds) in Northern Ireland are available. Data were collected through self-administered questionnaires, one-to-one interviews and focus-group discussions. As in Natsal 1990 and 2000, young people were asked about their sexual attitudes towards sex, experiences of sex education, knowledge of sexually transmitted infections (STIs) and, if sexually active, about the circumstances in which sexual intercourse occurred. A total of 1013 young people in the target age group completed the self-administered questionnaire. Young people in Northern Ireland do not differ significantly from their counterparts in Britain in terms of sexual lifestyles and attitudes. Some 53.3% of all respondents reported that they had had sexual intercourse. Condom use at first sex was reported by 64% of sexually active respondents; 27.4% said they used no contraception; 26.7% of all respondents said they had sex before age 16. Respondents who first had sex when they were 15 or 16 years were more likely than other respondents to say that 'being drunk' was the main reason why intercourse occurred. Peer pressure to engage in sex was more prevalent among males than females. Young people in Northern Ireland regard friends as their most important source of sex education. School is the second most important source but most respondents wanted more sex education in school. It is important that it is needs focused and includes potentially sensitive and contentious information.