29 resultados para flags

em QUB Research Portal - Research Directory and Institutional Repository for Queen's University Belfast


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A study undertaken at the University of Liverpool has investigated the potential for using construction and demolition waste (C&DW) derived aggregate in the manufacture of a range of precast concrete products, i.e. building and paving blocks and pavement flags. Phase III, which is reported here, investigated
concrete pavement flags. This was subsequent to studies on building and paving blocks. Recycled demolition aggregate can be used to replace newly quarried limestone aggregate, usually used in coarse (6 mm) and fine (4 mm-to-dust) gradings. The first objective was, as was the case with concrete building
and paving blocks, to replicate the process used by industry in fabricating concrete pavement flags in the laboratory. The ‘‘wet’’ casting technique used by industry for making concrete flags requires a very workable mix so that the concrete flows into the mould before it is compressed. Compression squeezes out water from the top as well as the bottom of the mould. This industrial casting procedure was successfully replicated in the laboratory by using an appropriately modified cube crushing machine and a special mould typical of what is used by industry. The mould could be filled outside of the cube crushing machine and then rolled onto a steel frame and into the machine for it to be compressed. The texture and mechanical properties of the laboratory concrete flags were found to be similar to the factory ones. The experimental work involved two main series of tests, i.e. concrete flags made with concrete- and
masonry-derived aggregate. Investigation of flexural strength was required for concrete paving flags. This is different from building blocks and paving blocks which required compressive and tensile splitting strength respectively. Upper levels of replacement with recycled demolition aggregate were determined
that produced similar flexural strength to paving flags made with newly quarried aggregates, without requiring an increase in the cement content. With up to 60% of the coarse or 40% of the fine fractions replaced with concrete-derived aggregates, the target mean flexural strength of 5.0 N/mm2 was still
achieved at the age of 28 days. There was similar detrimental effect by incorporating the fine masonry-derived aggregate. A replacement level of 70% for coarse was found to be satisfactory and also conservative. However, the fine fraction replacement could only be up to 30% and even reduced to 15% when used for mixes where 60% of the coarse fraction was also masonry-derived aggregate.

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This paper will examine some of the ways in which processes of denomination
have shaped Northern Irish politics before and after the ‘Belfast’, or ‘Good Friday
Agreement’ of 1998. We concentrate on the formation of the ‘Unionist’ or ‘Loyalist
community’, principally because the flag protests of 2012-2013 have brought the
issue of this community identity to the fore again. The flag is part of a whole
machinery of what we, in this paper, will call ‘denomination’ in Northern Irish
politics and elsewhere. The religious overtones of the term are neither accidental
nor incidental. Acts of denomination posit (assertively, authoritatively) a
collective identity, conceived and constituted ontologically, as an existent entity,
and stake a claim to a whole territory.

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This paper explores one of the defining aspects of politics and identity in Northern Ireland: the control and utilization of public space, particularly urban public space. Ethnopolitical conflict consistently reveals itself through contestation over public space. The role of ritual events is important in the development of political identity and group cohesion. The symbolic landscape will be constructed through displays of identity by dominant groups and their ability to control that landscape by inhibiting displays by other groups. This will reveal itself through frequent contests over rituals and symbols. This paper looks at the role of ritual events in civic spaces in Belfast but particularly asks what role they might play in conflict transformation. The 1998 agreement offered political structures that provided for shared power after 30 years of violent conflict. At the same time, there was an increase in contestation over public space as political groups within the previously marginalized Catholic community demanded recognition within the public sphere and a rebalancing of the public space through changes to the previously dominant Protestant and Unionist expression of identity. The paper concludes by suggesting that in “shared space” a new civic identity that spans the political and ethnic divisions has started to develop in Belfast and that this might evolve despite an increased residential division throughout the urban area.