44 resultados para Third Wave of democratization

em QUB Research Portal - Research Directory and Institutional Repository for Queen's University Belfast


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At a time of increased evaluations of law, human rights, and the rise of judicial power all over the globe, the work of most African judiciaries and the principles of the jurisprudence they espouse in promoting social justice remain an unlikely focus of comparative legal scholarship. This ought not to be so in view of the considerable activities of the courts on the continent in the dawn of the third wave of democratization. This article explores the work of the Nigerian Supreme Court in the political transition to democracy since 1999. Utilizing insights from the work of Ruti Teitel, it attempts to outline some of the major constitutional and extraconstitutional principles adopted by the Court in mediating intergovernmental contestations in the turbulent transition away from almost three decades of authoritarian military rule. It emerges that the task of fostering social transformation through the “weakest” branch seriously tasks the institutional integrity of the judiciary.

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Background: In many countries current recommendations are that women take a daily 400ug folic acid supplement, from before conception until the end of the 12th week of gestation, for the prevention of neural tube defects. Low folate status is associated with an elevated concentration of plasma total homocysteine (tHcy), a risk factor that is associated with pregnancy complications such as pre-eclampsia. Methods: In a longitudinal study, tHcy and corresponding folate status were determined in 101 pregnant women at 12, 20 and 35 weeks of gestation, in 35 non-pregnant control subjects sampled conconcurrently, and in a subgroup (n=21 pregnant, 19 non-pregnant women) at 3 days post-partum. Results: Plasma tHcy concentrations were significantly lower throughout pregnancy compared with control subjects, with values lowest in the 2nd trimester before increasing toward non-pregnant values in the 3rd trimester. Importantly, tHcy concentrations were lower in pregnant women taking folic acid supplements compared to those not, an effect which reached significance in the 3rd trimester (5.25 umol/l v 6.89 umol/l, P <0.05). Furthermore, during the 3rd trimester, tHcy concentrations were significantly higher in pregnant women with a history of miscarriage compared to those with no previous history (7.32 umol/l v 5.62 u­mol/l, P <0.01). Conclusion: This is the first longitudinal study to show that homocysteine levels rise in late pregnancy towards non-pregnant levels; a rise which can be limited by enhancing folate status through continued folic acid supplementation. These results indicate a potential role for continued folic acid supplementation in reducing pregnancy complications associated with hyperhomocysteinaemia.

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OBJECTIVE: To assess the relationship between second and third trimester glycemic control and adverse outcomes in pregnant women with type 1 diabetes, as uncertainty exists about optimum glycemic targets.

RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS: Pregnancy outcomes were assessed prospectively in 725 women with type 1 diabetes from the Diabetes and Pre-eclampsia Intervention Trial. HbA1c (A1C) values at 26 and 34 weeks' gestation were categorized into five groups, the lowest, <6.0% (42 mmol/mol), being the reference. Average pre- and postprandial results from an eight-point capillary glucose profile the previous day were categorized into five groups, the lowest (preprandial <5.0 mmol/L and postprandial <6.0 mmol/L) being the reference.

RESULTS: An A1C of 6.0-6.4% (42-47 mmol/mol) at 26 weeks' gestation was associated with a significantly increased risk of large for gestational age (LGA) (odds ratio 1.7 [95% CI 1.0-3.0]) and an A1C of 6.5-6.9% (48-52 mmol/mol) with a significantly increased risk of preterm delivery (odds ratio 2.5 [95% CI 1.3-4.8]), pre-eclampsia (4.3 [1.7-10.8]), need for a neonatal glucose infusion (2.9 [1.5-5.6]), and a composite adverse outcome (3.2 [1.3-8.0]). These risks increased progressively with increasing A1C. Results were similar at 34 weeks' gestation. Glucose data showed less consistent trends, although the risk of a composite adverse outcome increased with preprandial glucose levels between 6.0 and 6.9 mmol/L at 34 weeks (3.3 [1.3-8.0]).

CONCLUSIONS: LGA increased significantly with an A1C ≥6.0 (42 mmol/mol) at 26 and 34 weeks' gestation and with other adverse outcomes with an A1C ≥6.5% (48 mmol/mol). The data suggest that there is clinical utility in regular measurement of A1C during pregnancy.

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This paper uses harmonized data for the member states of the European Union to analyse household income packaging from a 'welfare regimes' perspective. Using data from the third wave of the ECHP, it looks at how the role of welfare transfers in the income package varies across countries and welfare regimes, and assesses whether this is consistent with the predictions of welfare regime theory, having first elaborated some specific hypotheses in that regard. It finds that when one focuses on averages across countries categorized into regimes, many of these hypotheses about the role of transfers are in broad terms borne out by the evidence. However, when one focuses on individual countries rather than regime averages the picture is a good deal more complex and consistency with the range of hypotheses more limited. It is essential that this variation across countries is taken into account in interpreting and using welfare regime theory and typologies.

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This article examines whether a Modern World- Systems (MWS) perspective can provide an improved understanding of the processes of democratization in Africa (and other developing regions of the world) by conducting a comparative case study of South Africa and Zambia in the 1990s, examining the transitions to democracy and divergent processes of democratic consolidation in each country. Semiperipheral South Africa has, due to its more advantageous position in the world-system, been better equipped than peripheral Zambia to safeguard democracy against erosion and reversal. Th e central irony of the MWS is that the weakest states in the MWS can be pushed around by core powers and are more easily forced to democratize while at the same time they are least likely to possess the resources necessary for democratic consolidation. Semiperipheral states can maintain their independence vis-à-vis the core to a higher degree, but if the decision is made to undertake a democratic transition they are more likely to possess the resources necessary for successful consolidation. Th e MWS perspective allows for an improved understanding of the causal pathway of how position in the MWS translates into the ability to consolidate democracy than does approaches that emphasize domestic factors.

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The electrochemical oxidation of catechol and dopamine has been studied at a platinum micro-electrode (10 pm diameter) in two room temperature ionic liquids (RTILs): 1-Ethyl-3-methylimidazolium bis(trifluoromethylsulfonyl)imide ([C(2)mim][NTf2]) and 1-Butyl-3-methylimidazolium tetrafluoroborate ([C(4)mim][BE4]). For catechol in [C(2)mim][NTf2], an electrochemically quasi-reversible oxidation peak was observed at 1.1 V vs. Pt with a back peak at 0.4 V vs. Pt. This is assigned to the two-electron oxidation of catechol to doubly protonated o-benzoquinone. Double-step chronoamperometry gave a diffusion coefficient for the catechol and the oxidised species which is 3.8 x 10(-11) m(2) s(-1) for both. For catechol in [C(4)mim][BF4], a two-electron oxidation wave was observed at 1.0 V vs. Pt with no back peak. Another peak at less positive potential was also observed at 0.6 V vs. Pt in [C(4)mim][BF4] but not in [C(2)mim][NTf2] which is assigned to the adsorption of electrochemically formed neutral o-benzoquinone on the platinum electrode. The oxidised protonated o-benzoquinone is suggested to be deprotonated by the [BF4](-) anion, but not by the [NTf2](-) anion: hence adsorption of the neutral species at the platinum electrode, not the charged species. For dopamine in both RTILs, two chemically irreversible oxidation peaks were observed at 0.75 V and 1.1 V vs. Pt, and assigned to the oxidation of dopamine to the corresponding semi-quinone and the quinone. Potential-step chronoamperometry was carried out on the oxidation waves of dopamine in [C(2)mim][NTf2] and the diffusion coefficient of species in solution was calculated to be 6.85 x 10(-12) m(2) s(-1) and confirmed that the waves corresponded to one and two electron processes. A third wave was observed at 1.8 V vs. Pt which is attributed to the oxidation of the amine group to a radical cation with likely subsequent follow up chemistry. In [C(4)mim][BF4] a peak at less positive potential was observed for dopamine, similar to catechol which is assigned to the adsorption of the neutral quinone species on the platinum electrode formed by the reaction of the removal of protons from the oxidised dopamine with the [BF4](-) anion. (C) 2009 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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Throughout Africa, charismatic Christianity has been caricatured as an inhibitor of democratization. Its adherents are said either to withdraw from the rough and tumble of politics ('pietism') or to preach a prosperity gospel that encourages believers to pour their resources into their churches in the hope that God will 'bless' them. Both courses of action are said to encourage such people to be politically quietist, with no interest in democratization or other forms of political activity. This is said to thwart democratization. This article utilizes an ethnographic case study of a 'progressive' charismatic congregation in Harare, Zimbabwe, in 2007, to provide evidence that 'pietism' and 'prosperity' are not the only options for charismatic Christianity. Drawing on the concept of 'spiritual capital', it argues that some varieties of charismatic Christianity have the resources to contribute to democratization. For example, this congregation's self-styled 'de-institutionalization' process is opening up new avenues for people to learn democratic skills and develop a worldview that is relationship-centred, participatory, and anti-authoritarian. The article concludes that spiritual capital can be a useful tool for analysing the role of religions in democratizations. It notes, however, that analysts should take care to identify and understand what variety of spiritual capital is generated in particular situations, focusing on the worldviews it produces and the consequences of those worldviews for democratization. © 2009 Taylor & Francis.