Placing political economy: organising opposition to free trade before the abolition of the Corn Laws

The unfurling of global capitalism – and its attendant effects – has long been fertile intellectual terrain for geographers. But whilst studies of the processes and mechanisms of globalisation undoubtedly assume a talismanic importance in the discipline, geographers, with few exceptions, have left examinations of early economic liberalism to historians. One such critically important episode in the evolution of the liberal economic project was the repeal of the so-called 'Corn Laws' in 1846. Whilst the precise impact of the Manchester-based Anti-Corn Law League (ACLL) continues to be a matter of conjecture, Eric Sheppard has asserted that their particular take on political economy managed to assume a 'truth-like status' and worldwide universality. But the ACLL's campaign represents only one, albeit decisive, stage in the long intellectual and practical struggle between 'protectionists' and the disciples of free trade. Studies of the non-'Manchester' components have tended to focus squarely upon national politics. This paper examines a pivotal attempt in 1838 by Lord Melbourne's Government to experiment with the effective elimination of import duties on fresh fruit. Unlike most agricultural commodities, table fruit was produced in a tightly defined area, thus allowing the Government's experiment to play out, in theory, without national political fallout. Whilst the Government's clandestine actions left little time for a concerted opposition to develop, Kentish fruit growers soon organised. A formidable lobby was forged that drew wide local support yet also evolved beyond the original 'epistemic community'. Whilst the coalition failed in their efforts to reintroduce protective duties, their actions allow us to see how protectionist ideologies and policies were vivified through practices at many different spatial scales and to better understand the complex spatiality of protectionist takes on political economy. Their campaign also changed – at least in the short term – the course of British mercantile policy.

Fast and sensitive aflatoxin B1 and total aflatoxins ELISAs for analysis of peanuts, maize and feed ingredients

Aflatoxins are a group of carcinogenic compounds produced by Aspergillus fungi that can grow on different agricultural crops. Both acute and chronic exposure to these mycotoxins can cause serious illness. Due to the high occurrence of aflatoxins in crops worldwide fast and cost-effective analytical methods are required for the identification of contaminated agricultural commodities before they are processed into final products and placed on the market. In order to provide new tools for aflatoxin screening two prototype fast ELISA methods: one for the detection of aflatoxin B₁ and the other for total aflatoxins were developed. Seven monoclonal antibodies with unique high sensitivity and at the same time good cross-reactivity profiles were produced. The monoclonal antibodies were characterized and two antibodies showing IC₅₀ of 0.037 ng/mL and 0.031 ng/mL for aflatoxin B₁ were applied in simple and fast direct competitive ELISA tests. The methods were validated for peanut matrix as this crop is one of the most affected by aflatoxin contamination. The detection capabilities of aflatoxin B₁ and total aflatoxins ELISAs were 0.4 μg/kg and 0.3 μg/kg for aflatoxin B₁, respectively, which are one of the lowest reported values. Total aflatoxins ELISA was also validated for the detection of aflatoxins B₂, G₁ and G₂. The application of the developed tests was demonstrated by screening 32 peanut samples collected from the UK retailers. Total aflatoxins ELISA was further applied to analyse naturally contaminated maize porridge and distiller's dried grain with solubles samples and the results were correlated with these obtained by UHPLC-MS/MS method.

The Decline of the Cow: Agricultural and Settlement Change in Early Medieval Ireland

This article considers cows and dairying as the basis a17of value system in early societies, particularly in Ireland. Only in a very few instances is it possible to demonstrate that such systems existed. When it does, it can be shown that cows and dairying were imbedded in the social or religious institutions of these cultures. Cattle had a value and meaning much greater than their economic worth in terms of food, hides, tallow etc. Such a systems, however, does not allow economic development as dairy produce does not easily lend itself to the production, and accumulation, of significant surplus nor is dairy produce particularly suitable for economic expansion based on trade. Its perishable nature militates against both roles. In order to develop political power that is based on economic power and wealth it is necessary to change the emphasis from livestock to cereal production.