A phase II study of the potent PARP inhibitor, Rucaparib (PF-01367338, AG014699), with temozolomide in patients with metastatic melanoma demonstrating evidence of chemopotentiation

PURPOSE: poly(ADP ribose) polymerase inhibition has been shown to potentiate the cytotoxicity of DNA damaging agents. A phase I study of rucaparib and temozolomide showed that full-dose temozolomide could be given during PARP inhibition. We report the results of a phase II study of intravenous rucaparib 12 mg/m(2) and oral temozolomide 200 mg/m(2) on days 1-5 every 28 days in patients with advanced metastatic melanoma. METHODS: Patients with chemotherapy naïve measurable metastatic melanoma, performance status =2 and good end-organ function were recruited. Treatment was given until progression. A two stage phase II design was used, with response rate the primary endpoint. Population pharmacokinetics and pharmacodynamics were also explored. RESULTS: Forty-six patients were recruited with 37 patients receiving at least 2 cycles and 17 patients at least 6 cycles. Myelosuppression occurred with 25 patients (54 %) requiring a 25 % dose reduction in temozolomide. The response rate was 17.4 %, median time to progression 3.5 months, median overall survival 9.9 months, and 36 % of patients were progression-free at 6 months. CONCLUSIONS: This study showed that temozolomide (150-200 mg/m(2)/day) can safely be given with a PARP inhibitory dose of rucaparib, increasing progression-free survival over historical controls in metastatic melanoma patients.

Authority, Nationality, and Minorities

Prominent normative theories for accommodating minority national groups appeal to the value of national cultures and/or the psychology of group recognition. This article aims to show that an argument from political authority provides a better justification. Building on Joseph Raz's theory of authority, the article argues that members of minority national groups are disadvantaged in relation to their majority counterparts under standard democratic institutions; such institutions do not provide minority national groups with comparable access to the conditions for legitimate political authority. Constitutional arrangements for accommodating minority national groups—such as territorial self-government or power-sharing—are justified insofar as they might offset this disadvantage.