40 resultados para Principle of solidarity

em QUB Research Portal - Research Directory and Institutional Repository for Queen's University Belfast


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In June and November 2000, the European Parliament and the Council adopted two Directives referring to ‘the principle of equal treatment irrespective of’ in their title, one relating to racial and ethnic origin, the other to disability, age, religion and belief or sexual orientation. A thorough reform of Directive 76/207/EEC on the principle of equal treatment for women and men in employment matters is pending between the European Parliament's second reading and adoption while this is written. Community secondary legislation on equal treatment of persons has thus expanded in scope and number of reasons which must not serve as starting points for differentiation. Does this signify progress in legal protection against personal discrimination? While not providing a ready answer, this article proposes an analytical framework to answer this question, concentrating on conceptions of equality in general and in particular on the problems multi-dimensional discrimination might pose for the law.

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In academic and public discourses on the Zionist-Palestinian conflict prevails still a ‘methodological nationalism’ based on a separatist imagination that overshadows the existence and role of Israeli-Palestinian forms of communality and solidarity. This article analyzes micropolitical practices that cross existing frontiers both within Israel and between occupied Palestinian territories and Israel. Through recent conceptualizations of ‘acts’, I read these ethnographic episodes in their intentional and performative dimension. What is the role of these ‘acts’? What are their effects on both the participants and the wider public? Through two interconnected cases, different functions of acts are explored. The first case relates to encounters between Israelis and Palestinian in the embattled city of Hebron in the occupied Palestinian territories; the second investigates moments of a Gandhi-inspired peace march at the ‘internal’ frontier of the Israeli Negev desert. The ethnographic perspective reveals what lies behind and beneath the acts, going beyond the obvious structures of power of the conflict. Acts function primarily as a valve of catharsis for the participants themselves, both overcoming and reproducing hegemonic discursive elements of the conflict. Paradoxically, acts of solidarity are often crucial in creating public knowledge about the conflict in more sectarian terms. 

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The process of constituency boundary revision in Ireland, designed to satisfy what is perceived as a rigid requirement that a uniform deputy-population ratio be maintained across constituencies, has traditionally consumed a great deal of the time of politicians and officials. For almost two decades after a High Court ruling in 1961, the process was a political one, was highly contentious, and was marked by serious allegations of ministerial gerrymandering. The introduction in 1979 of constituency commissions made up of officials neutralised, for the most part, charges that the system had become too politicised, but it continued the process of micro-management of constituency boundaries. This article suggests that the continuing problems caused by this system – notably, the permanently changing nature of constituency boundaries and resulting difficulties of geographical identification – could be resolved by reversion to the procedure that is normal in proportional representation systems: periodic post-census allocation of seats to constituencies whose boundaries are based on those of recognised local government units and which are stable over time. This reform, replacing the principle of redistricting by the principle of reapportionment, would result in more recognisable constituencies, more predictable boundary trajectories over time, and a more efficient, fairer, and speedier process of revision.

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Jurgen Habermas takes the realization of rights through the democratic self-organization of legal communities to be the normative core of emancipatory politics. In this article I explore the implications of this claim in relation to the requirements of justice. I argue that Habermas's discourse theory of democratic legitimacy presupposes a substantive principle of justice that demands the equalization of effective communicative freedom for all structurally constituted social groups in any constitutional state. This involves the elimination of a range of structural injustices rooted in the complex interrelationships between political, economic and cultural orders. In the final section I sketch briefly the implications of this analysis in the context of ongoing globalization processes. It is suggested that the most effective way to establish a just system of global governance is to equalize effective communicative freedom among nation-states.

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We investigate entanglement properties of a recently introduced class of macroscopic quantum superpositions in two-mode mixed states. One of the tools we use in order to infer the entanglement in this non-Gaussian class of states is the power to entangle a qubit system. Our study reveals features which are hidden in a standard approach to entanglement investigation based on the uncertainty principle of the quadrature variables. We briefly describe the experimental setup corresponding to our theoretical scenario and a suitable modification of the protocol which makes our proposal realizable within the current experimental capabilities.

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The density functional theory (DFT) based hard-soft acid-base (HSAB) reactivity indices, including the electrophilicity index, have been successfully applied to many areas of molecular chemistry. In this work we test the applicability of such an approach to fundamental surface chemistry. We have considered, as prototypical surface reactions, both the hydrogenation of atomic nitrogen and the dissociative adsorption of the NH molecular radical. By use of a DFT methodology, the minimum energy reaction pathways, and corresponding reaction barriers, of the above reactions over Zr(001), Nb(110), Mo(110), Tc(001), Ru(001), Rh(111), and Pd(111) have been determined. By consideration of the chemical potential and chemical hardness of the surface metal atoms, and the principle of electronegativity equalization, it is found that the charge transferred to the NH radical during the process of dissociative adsorption correlates very well with that determined by Mulliken population analysis. Furthermore, it is found that the stability of the NH/surface transition state complex relates directly to this charge transfer and that the trend in transition state stability predicted by a HSAB; treatment correlates very strongly with that determined by DFT calculations. With regards to N hydrogenation, we find that during the course of the reaction, H loses cohesion to the surface, as it must migrate from a 3-fold hollow site to either a bridge or top site, to react with N. Partial density of states (PDOS) and Mulliken population analysis reveal that this loss of bonding is accompanied by charge transfer from H to the surface metal atoms. Moreover, by simple modeling, we show that the reaction barriers are directly proportional to this mandatory charge transfer. Indeed, it is found that the reaction barriers correlate very well with the electrophilicity index of the metal atoms.

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Purpose: One mechanism of tumor resistance to cytotoxic therapy is repair of damaged DNA. Poly(ADP-ribose) polymerase (PARP)-1 is a nuclear enzyme involved in base excision repair, one of the five major repair pathways. PARP inhibitors are emerging as a new class of agents that can potentiate chemotherapy and radiotherapy. The article reports safety, efficacy, pharmacokinetic, and pharmacodynamic results of the first-in-class trial of a PARP inhibitor, AG014699, combined with temozolomide in adults with advanced malignancy.

Experimental Design: Initially, patients with solid tumors received escalating doses of AG014699 with 100 mg/m2/d temozolomide × 5 every 28 days to establish the PARP inhibitory dose (PID). Subsequently, AG014699 dose was fixed at PID and temozolomide escalated to maximum tolerated dose or 200 mg/m2 in metastatic melanoma patients whose tumors were biopsied. AG014699 and temozolomide pharmacokinetics, PARP activity, DNA strand single-strand breaks, response, and toxicity were evaluated.

Results: Thirty-three patients were enrolled. PARP inhibition was seen at all doses; PID was 12 mg/m2 based on 74% to 97% inhibition of peripheral blood lymphocyte PARP activity. Recommended doses were 12 mg/m2 AG014699 and 200 mg/m2 temozolomide. Mean tumor PARP inhibition at 5 h was 92% (range, 46-97%). No toxicity attributable to AG014699 alone was observed. AG014699 showed linear pharmacokinetics with no interaction with temozolomide. All patients treated at PID showed increases in DNA single-strand breaks and encouraging evidence of activity was seen.

Conclusions: The combination of AG014699 and temozolomide is well tolerated, pharmacodynamic assessments showing proof of principle of the mode of action of this new class of agents.

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Heat capacities of nine ionic liquids were measured from (293 to 358) K by using a heat flux differential scanning calorimeter. The impact of impurities (water and chloride content) in the ionic liquid was analyzed to estimate the overall uncertainty. The Joback method for predicting ideal gas heat capacities has been extended to ionic liquids by the generation of contribution parameters for three new groups. The principle of corresponding states has been employed to enable the subsequent calculation of liquid heat capacities for ionic liquids, based on critical properties predicted using the modified Lydersen-Joback-Reid method, as a function of the temperature from (256 to 470) K. A relative absolute deviation of 2.9% was observed when testing the model against 961 data points from 53 different ionic liquids reported previously and measured within this study.

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This article evaluates Bauer's theory of the nation and the debateon national-cultural autonomy in late imperial Austria. It finds important similarities with contemporary liberal debates on multiculturalism and the rights of ethnic and national minorities. It argues that the debate on national-cultural autonomy went in some respects beyond the contemporary debate on multiculturalism. National-cultural autonomy rejects the idea of the nation-state and proposes instead a multi-nation-state that recognises differential rights for ethnic and national minorities. It seeks to break the limitations of liberal democracy and the territorial principle of the nation-state by organising national communities as deterritorialised national corporations, and multination-states as territorialised non-national identities.