Fitness reduction and potential extinction of wild populations of Atlantic salmon, Salmo salar, as a result of interactions with escaped farm salmon.

The high level of escapes from Atlantic salmon farms, up to two million fishes per year in the North Atlantic, has raised concern about the potential impact on wild populations. We report on a twogeneration experiment examining the estimated lifetime successes, relative to wild natives, of farm, F1 and F2 hybrids and BC1 backcrosses to wild and farm salmon. Offspring of farm and hybrids (i.e. all F1 , F2 and BC1 groups) showed reduced survival compared with wild salmon but grew faster as juveniles and displaced wild parr, which as a group were significantly smaller. Where suitable habitat for these emigrant parr is absent, this competition would result in reduced wild smolt production. In the experimental conditions, where emigrants survived downstream, the relative estimated lifetime success ranged from 2% (farm) to 89% (BC1 wild) of that of wild salmon, indicating additive genetic variation for survival . Wild salmon primarily returned to fresh water after one sea winter (1SW) but farm and hybrids produced proportionately more 2SW salmon. However, lower overall survival means that this would result in reduced recruitment despite increased 2SW fecundity. We thus demonstrate that interaction of farm with wild salmon results in lowered fitness, with repeated escapes causing cumulative fitness depression and potentially an extinction vortex in vulnerable populations.

Exile or emigrant? Female ex-prisoners who left Ireland 1850-1921

In the popular mind, the concept of 'emigration' usually refers to people voluntarily leaving one country to go to another in search of a new and better life. It presupposes some degree of choice, although it is accepted that for many emigrants, such as those who left Ireland during the nineteenth century, there were few incentives to stay at home. Current scholarship on voluntary and forced movements of people demonstrates that the distinction between the categories of 'voluntary emigrant' and 'forced exile' is often blurred. Orm Overland's study of refugee communities in the United States highlights the fact that, although the differences between the 'emigrant' and the 'exile' may be clear in extreme cases, this is not always true, as there may be 'pressing political or economic reasons behind a decision to emigrate'. Migration scholars Jan Lucassen and Leo Lucassen also question the adequacy of conceptual models of migration based on what Lindsay Proudfoot and Dianne Hall refer to as the 'straightforward binarism between free and unfree emigration'. The questions raised by these scholars are very relevant to the study of Irish people who left their country during the second half of the nineteenth century immediately after they had been discharged from prison or from Dundrum. Their stories are discussed here against a background of substantial scholarship on emigration from Ireland and on the criminal justice system within Ireland. According to David Fitzpatrick, at least eight million men, women and children emigrated from Ireland between 1801 and 1921. This large-scale movement of people was generally characterised by the voluntary emigration of individuals who funded their own passages. However, it also included schemes of assisted emigration, funded variously by governments, landlords, the poor law authorities, earlier emigrants, and philanthropists. In addition, it included people who were transported from Ireland by means of the criminal justice system a practice that had originated in the seventeenth century. What is less well known is that after the end of transportation from Ireland to eastern Australia in 1853, to Bermuda in 1863 and to Western Australia in 1868, Irish convicts continued to be channelled towards emigration by being offered early release if they agreed to leave Ireland. These people, and especially the women among them, are the subject of this article.

Address inaccuracy in health registration data: determinants and impacts

Access to demographic data that are complete, accurate and up-to-date is fundamental to many aspects of public health, government and academic work and for accurate interpretation of other databases. Health registration data are the prime source of demographic information for health and social care systems; for example, as an indicator of need, as a source of denominators to convert number of events into rates, or in the case of the residential address information as the basis for generating the call-recall invitation letters that are used for most screening programs (e.g. breast, colo-rectal and AAA screening). However, list inflation (ghosts, duplicates or emigrants) and a degree of address inaccuracy are recognised caveats with the health registration data and a recent NILS-related study on breast screening suggests that improved address accuracy might be a fast and efficient means of increasing screening uptake rates in cities and amongst deprived populations. In NI these data are collated by the BSO who uniquely in the UK also have access to data relating to prescribing, dental registrations and use of A&E services. These can be used to supplement the standard demographic and address information by (i) indicating patients who are alive and resident in NI and (ii) providing an independent source of probably improved address information. This study will use the NI Unique Property Reference Number (UPRN), rather than the addresses per se which are difficult to work with, to compare the addresses registered in the BSO with those addresses in the enumerated 2011 census. Assuming that the census is a more accurate source of address information for individuals, a comparison of the health registration addresses with those recorded at the census, the aim of the proposed study will be to (i) characterise the amount and distributions of these differences, (ii) to see what proportion of those who do not attend for screening did not actually receive an invitation letter because the addresses were incorrect, (iii) to determine how much of the social gradient (and urban/rural differences) in screening uptake are due to address inaccuracies, (iv) a comparison of timing of address changes at the BSO will provide information on the delays in updating of addresses.