Exposición Internacional 1910. Buenos Aires.: Didactic leisure and international recognition

International exhibitions were greatly responsible for the modernization of western society. The motive for these events was based on the possibility of enhancing the country’s international status abroad. The genesis of world exhibitions came from the conviction that humanity as a whole would improve the continual flow of new practical applications, the development of modern communication techniques and the social need for a medium that could acquaint the general public with changes in technology, economy and society .
Since the first national industrial exhibitions in Paris during the eighteenth century and especially starting from the first Great Exhibition in London’s Hyde Park in 1851 these international events spread steadily all over Europe and the United States, to reach Latin America in the beginnings of the twentieth century . The work of professionals such as Daniel Burnham, Werner Hegemann and Elbert Peets made the relation between exhibitions and urban transformation a much more connected one, setting a precedent for subsequent exhibitions.
In Buenos Aires, the celebration of the centennial of independence from Spain in 1910 had many meanings and repercussions. A series of factors allowed for a moment of change in the city. Official optimism, economical progress, inequality and social conflict made of this a suitable time for transformation. With the organization of the Exposición Internacional the government had, among others, one specific aim: to achieve a network of visual tools to set the feeling of belonging and provide an identity for the mixture of cultures that populated the city of Buenos Aires at the time. Another important objective of the government was to put Buenos Aires at the level of European cities.
Foreign professionals had a great influence in the conceptual and factual shaping of the exhibition and in the subsequent changes caused in the urban condition. The exhibition had an important role in the ways of thinking the city and in the leisure ideas it introduced. The exhibition, as a didactic tool, worked as a precedent for conceiving leisure spaces in the future. Urban and landscape planners such as Joseph Bouvard and Charles Thays were instrumental in great part of the design of the Exhibition, but it was not only the architects and designers who shaped the identity of the fair. Other visitors such as Jules Huret or Georges Clemenceau were responsible for giving the city an international image it did not previously have.
This paper will explore on the one hand the significance of the exhibition of 1910 for the shaping of the city and its image; and on the other hand, the role of foreign professionals and the reach these influences had.

Wanted and Unwanted Fertility in Bolivia:Does Ethnicity Matter?

CONTEXT: In Bolivia, the total fertility rate (TFR) among indigenous populations is higher than that among the nonindigenous population. It is important to investigate whether this difference is attributable to ethnic differences in wanted or unwanted fertility.
METHODS: Data from the 2003 Bolivian Demographic and Health Survey were used to estimate women's wanted and unwanted TFRs. Logistic regression analyses were conducted to examine whether women's, men's and couples' characteristics were associated with use of any contraceptive method and modern methods.
RESULTS: The TFRs for indigenous and nonindigenous women were 1.5 and 1.7, [corrected] respectively. The wanted fertility rate for indigenous women was nearly the same as that for nonindigenous women (2.8 and 1.4, [corrected] respectively); virtually all of the ethnic difference in the TFRs was attributable to the ethnic difference in unwanted fertility. The proportion of women in need of contraception was greater among indigenous women than among nonindigenous women (26% vs. 19%). In logistic regression analyses, male fertility preferences explained only a small part of the ethnic difference in contraceptive use.
CONCLUSION: Women's, men's and couples' preferences contribute only marginally to unwanted fertility, suggesting that structural factors act as obstacles to preventing unwanted fertility.