44 resultados para Domination masculine

em QUB Research Portal - Research Directory and Institutional Repository for Queen's University Belfast


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This article provides a case study demonstrating the active role that 5- to 6-year-old boys in an English inner-city, multi-ethnic primary school play in the appropriation and reproduction of their masculine identities. It is argued that the emphasis on physicality, violence and racism found among the boys cannot be understood without reference to the immediate contexts of the local community and the school within which they are located. In making this argument the article draws upon and applies the concept of the habitus and develops this with the notion of 'distributed cognition' as proposed in sociocultural theory. Some of the implications of this analysis for working with boys in early years settings are discussed in the conclusion.

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Suppose C is a bounded chain complex of finitely generated free modules over the Laurent polynomial ring L = R[x,x -1]. Then C is R-finitely dominated, i.e. homotopy equivalent over R to a bounded chain complex of finitely generated projective R-modules if and only if the two chain complexes C ? L R((x)) and C ? L R((x -1)) are acyclic, as has been proved by Ranicki (A. Ranicki, Finite domination and Novikov rings, Topology 34(3) (1995), 619–632). Here R((x)) = R[[x]][x -1] and R((x -1)) = R[[x -1]][x] are rings of the formal Laurent series, also known as Novikov rings. In this paper, we prove a generalisation of this criterion which allows us to detect finite domination of bounded below chain complexes of projective modules over Laurent rings in several indeterminates.

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The past decade has witnessed the publication of a growing number of important ethnographic studies investigating the schooling experiences of Black students. Their focus has largely been upon student-teacher relations during the students' last few years of compulsory schooling. What they have highlighted is the complexity of racism and the varied nature of Black students' experiences of schooling. Drawing upon data from a year-long ethnographic study of an inner-city, multi-ethnic primary school, this paper aims to compliment these studies in two ways. Firstly the paper will broaden the focus to examine how student peer-group relations play an integral role, within the context of student-teacher relations, in shaping many Black students' schooling experiences. By focussing on African/Caribbean infant boys, it will be shown how student-teacher relations on the one hand, and peer-group relations on the other, form a continuous feed-back loop; the products of each tending to exacerbate and inflate the other. Secondly, by concentrating on infant children, the paper will assess the extent to which these resultant processes and practices are also evident for Black pupils at the beginning of their school careers - at the ages of five and six.

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The aim of this article is to combine Pettit’s account(s) of freedom, both his work on discursive control and on non-domination, with Pippin’s and Brandom’s reinterpretation of Hegelian rational agency and the role of recognition theory within it. The benefits of combining these two theories lie, as the article hopes to show, in three findings: first, re-examining Hegelian agency in the spirit of Brandom and Pippin in combination with Pettit’s views on freedom shows clearly why and in which way a Hegelian account of rational agency can ground an attractive socio-political account of freedom; second, the reconciling of discursive control and non-domination with Hegelian agency shows how the force and scope of recognition become finally tangible, without either falling into the trap of overburdening the concept, or merely reducing it to the idea of simple respect; third, the arguments from this article also highlight the importance of freedom as non-domination and how this notion is, indeed, as Pettit himself claims, an agency-freedom which aims at successfully securing the social, political, economic and even (some) psychological conditions for free and autonomous agency.

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Let C be a bounded cochain complex of finitely generatedfree modules over the Laurent polynomial ring L = R[x, x−1, y, y−1].The complex C is called R-finitely dominated if it is homotopy equivalentover R to a bounded complex of finitely generated projective Rmodules.Our main result characterises R-finitely dominated complexesin terms of Novikov cohomology: C is R-finitely dominated if andonly if eight complexes derived from C are acyclic; these complexes areC ⊗L R[[x, y]][(xy)−1] and C ⊗L R[x, x−1][[y]][y−1], and their variants obtainedby swapping x and y, and replacing either indeterminate by its inverse.

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We present an algebro-geometric approach to a theorem on finite domination of chain complexes over a Laurent polynomial ring. The approach uses extension of chain complexes to sheaves on the projective line, which is governed by a K-theoretical obstruction.

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The republican idea of non-domination stresses the importance of certain social relationships for a person’s freedom, showing that freedom is a social-relational state. While the idea of freedom as non-domination receives a lot of attention in the literature, republican theorists say surprisingly little about equality. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to carve out the contours of a republican conception of equality.. In so doing, I will argue that republican accounts of equality share a significant normative overlap with the idea of social equality. However, closer analysis of Philip Pettit’s account of ‘expressive egalitarianism’ (which Pettit sees as inherently connected to non-domination) and recent theories of social equality shows that republican non-domination – in contrast to what Pettit seems to claim – is not sufficient for securing (republican) social equality. In order to secure social equality for all, republicans would have to go beyond non-domination.

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Key challenges for contemporary neorepublicans are identified and explored. Firstly, the attempt to maintain a sharp line between neorepublicanism and the wider family of liberal–egalitarian political theories is questioned. Secondly, in response to challenges from democratic theorists, it is argued that republicanism needs to effect an appropriate rapprochement with the ideal of collective political autonomy, on which it appears to rely. Thirdly, it is argued that freedom as non-domination draws so heavily on the idea of equal respect that it is hard to maintain that freedom is the sole value grounding the theory. Finally, it is suggested that the consequentialist framework of Pettit’s theory imposes significant limitations on republican social justice. How republican political theorists respond to these challenges will determine whether the neorepublican revival will be seen as enriching contemporary debates about democracy and social justice or as a retreat from more ambitious accounts of freedom and justice.