Accessibility and Health: Towards Walkability Tools for Planning Practice

There is increasing research interest in how we can most effectively intervene in the built environment to change behaviours such as physical activity and improve health. Much of this work has focussed around the concept of walkability and the identification of those attributes of our cities that encourage pedestrian activity, including density, connectivity and the aesthetic of the urban realm (Saelens et al 2003, Frank et al 2010). Much of the existing research has clarified the strength of the relationships between various environmental attributes and the differential impact on different demographic groups (e.g. Panter et al 2011). This has not yet been effectively translated into tools to help integrate the concepts of walkability into decision-making by statutory authorities that can help shape the spatial development and delivery of public services which can support more active lifestyles. A key reason for this has been that standard models for transport planning and accessibility are based on networks of road infrastructure, which provides a weak basis for modelling pedestrian accessibility (Chin et al 2008).

This paper reports the findings of Knowledge Exchange project funded by UK’s Economic and Social Research Council (ES/J010588/1) and partners including Belfast and Derry City Councils and Northern Ireland’s Public Health Agency, the Department of Regional Development and Belfast Healthy Cities, that has attempted to address this problem. This project has mapped city-wide footpath networks and used these to assist partner organisations in developing the evidence base for making decisions on public services based on health impacts and pedestrian access. The paper describes the tool developed, uses a number of examples to highlight its impact on areas of decision-making and evaluates the benefits of further integrating walkability into planning and development practice.

Planning for Renewable Energy: Lessons from the UK’s Devolved Administrations

The planning system has been put forward as a key element in facilitating the low carbon transition (Bulkeley 2006, While 2008), by reducing carbon footprints through initiatives such as encouraging less-energy intensive development, reducing the need to travel or promoting sustainable forms of transport. It has also played a key role on encouraging a shift to more renewable sources of energy, through establishing the spatial ‘rules’ for its regulation, consenting of specific projects and acting as the key arena for mediating a range of social concerns over the resulting socio-technical shift. Despite having this key facilitative role, planning is also regularly seen as a key impediment to renewables, particularly on-shore wind (Ellis et al 2009). There is however, little known about what makes the ‘best’ approach to planning for renewables and indeed little discussion on how to judge the effectiveness of a planning regime for this issue – is it one that maximises generating capacity, protects or landscapes or biodiversity, or perhaps one that maximises social acceptance of renewable developments?

The UK offers a useful context for exploring these issues, with its four main territories (England, Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales) having broadly similar institutional arrangements, but autonomy over spatial planning during the period in which renewables expanded across the landscape. Each of these jurisdictions has sought to use their planning system to encourage renewables with subtlety different discourses, regulations and spatial strategies. Such an ‘experiment’ offers some important insight into what ‘works’.

This paper will draw on a two year study funded by the UK’s Economic and Social Research Council (RES-062-23-2526), which has charted the effects of devolved administrations on policy and delivery of renewable energy from 1990 to 2012. Drawing on more than 80 interviews, documentary analysis and secondary data sources it describes the growth of renewable capacity in each jurisdiction, explores the spatial strategies adopted and analyses the way in which the broader institutional frameworks in which planning for renewables has emerged. The paper uses this analysis to consider the lessons that can be drawn from the comparable experience of the devolved administrations in the UK and points to the ways in which we should evaluate the effectiveness of planning regimes for renewable energy.

Planning Urban Food Production into Today's Cities

If cities are to become more sustainable and resilient to change it is likely that they will have to engage with food at increasingly localised levels, in order to reduce their dependancy on global systems. With 87 percent of developed regions estimated to be living in cities by 2050 it can be assumed that the majority of this localised production will occur in and around cities.
As part of a 12 month engagement, Queen’s University Belfast designed and implemented an elevated aquaponic food system spanning the top floor and exterior roof space of a disused mill in Manchester, England. The experimental aquaponic system was developed to explore the possibilities and difficulties associated with containing fish tanks, filtration units, vertical growing systems and roof top growing systems within and upon existing buildings, including the structural considerations needed when undertaking such transformations. Although capable of producing 4000 crops at any one time, the elevated aquaponic system utilised space within the existing building, which could otherwise be used as lettable area, and also located some crop growth within the building where light levels are reduced.
The following paper takes the research collected from the elevated aquaponic system and extrapolates the findings across a whole city. The resulting research enables the agricultural productive capacity of todays cities to be determined and a frame work of implementation to be developed for city wide food production. The research focuses specifically on facade and roof based systems, thus elevating the need to utilise lettable area within cities in addition to locating crops where light levels are highest.

The Day After Tomorrow: Transition Management, Spatial Planning & the Low Carbon Economy

Many of the societal challenges that current spatial planning practice claims to be addressing (climate change, peak oil, obesity, aging society etc) encompass issues and timescales that lie beyond the traditional scope planning policy (Campbell 2006). The example of achieving a low carbon economy typifies this in that it demands a process of society-wide transition, involving steering a wide range of factors (markets, infrastructure, governance, individual behaviour etc). Such a process offers a challenge to traditional approaches to planning as they cannot be guided by a fixed blueprint, given the timescales involved (up to 50 years) and an enhanced level of uncertainty, social resistance, lack of control over implementation and a danger of ‘policy lock in’ (Kemp et al 2007). One approach to responding to these challenges is the concept of transition management which has emerged from studies of science, technology and innovation (Geels 2002, Markard et al 2012). Although not without criticism, this perspective attempts to uncertainty and complexity encompassing long term visions that integrates multi-level, multi-actor and multi-domain perspectives (Rotmans et al 2001).
 
Given its origins, research on transition management has tended to neglect spatial contexts (Coenen et al 2012) and, related to this, it’s relationship with spatial planning is poorly understood. Using the example of the low carbon transition, this paper will review the relationships between the concepts, methodologies and goals of transition management and spatial planning to explore whether a closer integration of the two fields offers benefits to achieving the long term challenges facing society.
 

Contested urbanism: Access and control issues in Tundikhel, Kathmandu

Contested Open Spaces?: Access and control issues in Tundikhel, Kathmandu

Public spaces play a role of political, economic and cultural transformation of cities and the impact of these transformations on the nature of public space.

Urban open space(s) in Kathmandu have been an important part of the city’s urbanism. Historically they have played an important role in the city as spaces for religious, cultural, social and political and military activities during the 300 years of unified monarchy. Throughout the civil war period (Maoist insurgency between 1996 and 2006) they became material locations for political activities, and a site for protests and dharnas. In post-conflict Kathmandu, especially since the abolition of Monarchy in May 28, 2008, these spaces are increasingly seen being claimed by street hawkers, informal sellers and individuals reflecting a new set of users and functions, whereas a significant part of Tundikhel still remains under the military occupation posing important questions around access, identity and control of an important space.


Public spaces are broadly defined as crossroads where different paths and trajectories meet, sometimes overlapping and other times colliding (Madanipour, 2003). Using Tudikhel in Kathmandu, this research examines the increasing collision and contestations witnessed through social, political and neoliberal interactions. It explores how spaces are constantly
contested, negotiated and as a result reshaped through these interactions. It is observed that multiple forces are at play to gain control and access of this important open space, leading to increasing fragmentation of the space, and erosion of its historic significance both as cultural venue and a symbol of democracy in modern Nepal. It is argued that increasing disconnection of Tudikhel from wider urban setting has contributed to exacerbation of these contestations

The neoliberalisation of the Cathedral Quarter and its contestations

Over time Belfast has been well researched as a site of ethnosectarian conflict, segregation and fear see (Boal et al 1976) and (Gaffiken and Morrisey 2011). The study of socio-spatial patterns of ‘ethnocracy’ is useful, but this article will argue how it is equally important to understand local forms of urban restructuring in terms of global processes that are linked to neoliberalism. To better understand the neoliberal urbanisation of Belfast this article is organised into two parts. The first part will demonstrate how the Northern Ireland State has sought legitimacy in the free market as ‘therapy’ for the production of neutral socio-spatial formations such as the Cathedral Quarter. Secondly it will examine this performance of neoliberal urbanism, as it ‘actually exists’ and demonstrate how market-led renewal has been extended through the clustering and non-sectarian interests, ‘soft’ arrangements of urban governance, cultural re-branding strategies, economic development incentives, and the development of various flagship projects. Critically this place-based grounding of neoliberalism is useful, as it also allows for the contestations of neoliberal urbanism to become real rather than just theoretical. The second part of the article will draw attention to the responses of local, and sometimes marginal, interests that have looked to challenge, adapt and, at times, divert the extension of market-led renewal. To be clear, this article does not want to overstate the performance of such interests. Nor does it want to claim that they significantly impact or obstruct the wider neoliberal urbanisation of Belfast. Instead it is interested in their behaviours and their different methods of working to explore what may be constituted as ‘alternative’, at least in the locality of the Cathedral Quarter. By studying how and why these interests have responded to the extension of neoliberal urbanism over time, it may just be possible to provide a better platform to articulate what more progressive forms of urban resistance might look like.