Punishment, blame and stigma after conflict: the experience of politically motivated former prisoners in Northern Ireland

This paper examines the relationship between the politics of blame in post-conflict Northern Ireland and the treatment of politically motivated former prisoners. Using the examples of direct and indirect discrimination in the areas of employment and access to mental health services, the paper considers how the discursive operation of blaming produces evasions and attributions of guilt. It argues that such blaming practices have very real material consequences for the allocation or withholding of goods and burdens in the community. The paper notes also that the ‘cause of victims’ is often appropriated by the press and other political actors for their own purposes, frequently to block the provision of public goods to one particular group of ex-combatants: ex-politically motivated prisoners. It concludes by posing a series of questions about blaming, justice and the moral authority of the victim in a transitional justice context. The claim of the paper is simply to offer some starting points for understanding the relationship between processes of blame, stigma and social exclusion.

Women in Ulster, 1600-1800

Some have entertained the belief that early modern Gaelic society conferred substantial rights on women. This could hardly be farther from the truth. In aristocratic Gaelic circles women were used ruthlessly as pawns in political alliances and other manoeuvres. The status of women at the lower levels of society also seems to have been low relative to men. While patriarchal relationships persisted after the Plantation of Ulster, they took new forms. Some women actually benefited in terms of property rights relative to men. Economic change in the eighteenth century, in particular the development of proto-industry, opened up opportunities for poorer women but it is notable that women did not feature at all in the public political sphere before 1800

Policing for peace in Northern Ireland: Change, conflict and community confidence

The fundamental change in policing that began in 2001 was a critical part of the Northern Ireland peace process. Seventy years after its establishment the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) remained distrusted and unrepresentative of the Catholic – nationalist community. This book explores how policing changed and the significant contribution that overhaul made to the most successful conflict transformation process in recent decades. It looks at policing from an organizational perspective and focuses on leadership, strategy and culture as it traces the journey from RUC to PSNI. In this way it reflects the views of many key figures inside the organization and of key political decision makers outside of it. This book will be of tremendous interest to those seeking to explore the underlying dynamics of one of the most radical and challenging change processes in recent history and is a must read for anyone interested in the Northern Irish peace process.

Seasonality of cutaneous melanoma diagnosis in Northern Ireland with a review

In light-skinned populations, the incidence of cutaneous melanoma is highest in summer and lowest in winter. We analyzed the seasonal variation of melanoma incidence in Northern Ireland from 1984 to 2006 according to the Breslow thickness and body site. We also reviewed earlier studies on seasonal variation in the diagnosis of melanoma. Two-thirds of melanomas in women (2028 cases) and one-third of melanomas in men (1230 cases) were diagnosed on the limbs. In both sexes, pronounced seasonal variations were observed in the incidence of invasive melanomas less than 2mm arising on the limbs. These seasonal variations were mainly noticeable in women of all ages, to a lesser degree in men aged below 50 years, and not in men aged above 50 years. No seasonal variation was observed for melanomas less than 2mm arising on the trunk or the head and neck nor for melanomas 2mm thickness or more, irrespective of the age, sex, and body site. Seasonal variations of thin melanomas were less noticeable in men because of the axial predominance of melanoma occurrence in this sex. The review of 15 earlier studies found by a systematic search of Medline supported the likelihood of our findings. This analysis suggests that ultraviolet radiation has a short-term promotional effect on melanocytes or nevocytes of the limbs, and is not associated with progression from thin to thick melanoma. Melanoma Res 21:144-151 (C) 2011 Wolters Kluwer Health vertical bar Lippincott Williams & Wilkins.

Associations between Mothers' Experiences with the Troubles in Northern Ireland and Mothers' and Childrens' Psychological Functioning: The Moderating Role of Social Identity.

Relatively little research has examined the relations between growing up in a community with a history of protracted violent political conflict and subsequent generations' well-being. The current article examines relations between mothers' self-report of the impact that the historical political violence in Northern Ireland (known, as the Troubles) has on her and her child's current mental health. These relations are framed within the social identity model of stress, which provides a framework for understanding coping responses within societies that have experienced intergroup conflict. Mother-child dyads (N = 695) living in Belfast completed interviews. Results suggest that the mother-reported impact of the Troubles continue to be associated with mothers' mental health, which, in, turn, is associated with her child's adjustment. The strength of mothers' social identity moderated pathways between the impact of the Troubles and her mental health, consistent with the social identity model of stress. (C) 2010 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

Sharing Classes between Separate Schools: a mechanism for improving inter-group relations in Northern Ireland?

One manifestation of division and the history of conflict in Northern Ireland is the parallel education system that exists for Protestants and Catholics. Although recent decades have seen some advances in the promotion of integrated education, around 95% of children continue to attend schools separated on ethno-religious lines. In 2007 a programme for sharing education was established. Underpinned by intergroup contact theory, and reflecting educational priorities shared by all school sectors, the programme seeks to offer children from different denominational schools an opportunity to engage with each other on a sustained basis. In this article the authors adopt a quantitative approach to examining the impact of participation in the Sharing Education Programme on a range of outcomes (out-group attitudes, positive action tendencies and out-group trust) via, first, intergroup contact (cross-group friendships) and, second, intergroup anxiety. Their findings confirm the value of contact as a mechanism for promoting more harmonious relationships, and affirm the Sharing Education Programme as an initiative that can help promote social cohesion in a society that remains deeply divided.

Conflict, transition and education for ‘political generosity’: learning from the experience of ex-combatants in Northern Ireland

This article suggests that opportunities exist to harness the potential of history and citizenship education with the processes of transition in developing programmes which support young people in exploring conflict and the challenges associated with attending to its legacy. Drawing on the experience of Northern Ireland, it is suggested that the narratives of those who have been involved directly as both combatants in conflict and latterly as agents of change in their communities provide unique opportunities for young people to reflect on these issues. By way of illustration, an account of one such initiative is presented: ‘From Prison to Peace: learning from the experience of political ex-prisoners’; a structured programme which invites young people to engage directly with loyalist and republican ex-combatants in the Northern Ireland conflict. The article suggests that such programmes have the potential to assist young people in exploring the complexity of conflict and the intricacies of transition. Furthermore it is suggested that the relationships which exist between these ex-combatants arguably can challenge sectarian perspectives and foster capacity for ‘political generosity’ towards those with opposing political aspirations.

'Securing' the past: Policing and the contest over truth in Northern Ireland

The question of whether Northern Ireland should have a formal truth recovery process has been amplified by the recent Report of the Consultative Group on the Past. Compared to the volume at which the truth recovery debate has been played out, relatively little is known about policing attitudes to this form of dealing with the past. This paper analyses the ways in which the history and context of policing in Northern Ireland have shaped attitudes towards truth recovery. It will be argued that differing opinions on the need for truth recovery are part of a debate over 'ownership of the past' between the ardent supporters of the Royal Ulster Constabulary and the new post-Patten managers and modernizers.

‘Escaping the Cage of Ethno-National Conflict in Northern Ireland:The Importance of Transnational Networks

The paper uses research on the EU Special Programme for Peace and Reconciliation in Northern Ireland and the Border Counties of the Republic of Ireland (Peace II) to interrogate the relationship between inter-nationalization, transnationalism and the amelioration of a deeply territorialized ethno-national conflict. It concludes that inter-national cooperation and territorial containment strategies risk enhancing zero-sum territorial politics without more coherent articulation of strategies for building transnational networks of cooperation and conflict resolution

'Sometimes I wish I was an "ex" ex-prisoner': identity processes in the collective action participation of former prisoners in Northern Ireland

Since the signing of the Northern Ireland peace agreement a plethora of community based prisoner self-help organisations have been established wherein former prisoners staff, manage and deliver services to colleagues. By forging and maintaining their collective identities through community based mutual aid, members of these self-help organisations have progressed to create not only individual change/assistance but have also developed and evolved to tackle serious wider social issues which impact on the members of their organisations. This article critically analyses how the conditions of a post conflict society can influence both the development and evolution of these organisations and also how members situate their claims about the self in the organisation and beyond. Using the social movement framework it is argued that the work of these self-help organisations have given rise to a new politics of identity … that is the ‘politically motivated’ ex-prisoner. ©2013 Taylor & Francis