195 resultados para Religious tolerance


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Biocides play an essential role in limiting the spread of infectious disease. The food industry is dependent on these agents, and their increasing use is a matter for concern. Specifically, the emergence of bacteria demonstrating increased tolerance to biocides, coupled with the potential for the development of a phenotype of cross-resistance to clinically important antimicrobial compounds, needs to be assessed. In this study, we investigated the tolerance of a collection of susceptible and multidrug-resistant (MDR) Salmonella enterica strains to a panel of seven commercially available food-grade biocide formulations. We explored their abilities to adapt to these formulations and their active biocidal agents, i.e., triclosan, chlorhexidine, hydrogen peroxide, and benzalkonium chloride, after sequential rounds of in vitro selection. Finally, cross-tolerance of different categories of biocidal formulations, their active agents, and the potential for coselection of resistance to clinically important antibiotics were investigated. Six of seven food-grade biocide formulations were bactericidal at their recommended working concentrations. All showed a reduced activity against both surface-dried and biofilm cultures. A stable phenotype of tolerance to biocide formulations could not be selected. Upon exposure of Salmonella strains to an active biocidal compound, a high-level of tolerance was selected for a number of Salmonella serotypes. No cross-tolerance to the different biocidal agents or food-grade biocide formulations was observed. Most tolerant isolates displayed changes in their patterns of susceptibility to antimicrobial compounds. Food industry biocides are effective against planktonic Salmonella. When exposed to sublethal concentrations of individual active biocidal agents, tolerant isolates may emerge. This emergence was associated with changes in antimicrobial susceptibilities.

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Political parties have only recently become a subject of investigation in political theory. In this paper I analyse religious political parties in the context of John Rawls’s political liberalism. Rawlsian political liberalism, I argue, overly constrains the scope of democratic political contestation and especially for the kind of contestation channelled by parties. This restriction imposed upon political contestation risks undermining democracy and the development of the kind of democratic ethos that political liberalism cherishes. In this paper I therefore aim to provide a broader and more inclusive understanding of ‘reasonable’ political contestation, able to accommodate those parties (including religious ones) that political liberalism, as customarily understood, would exclude from the democratic realm. More specifically, I first embrace Muirhead and Rosenblum’s (Perspectives on Politics 4: 99–108 2006) idea that parties are ‘bilingual’ links between state and civil society and I draw its normative implications for party politics. Subsequently, I assess whether Rawls’s political liberalism is sufficiently inclusive to allow the presence of parties conveying religious and other comprehensive values. Due to Rawls’s thick conceptions of reasonableness and public reason, I argue, political liberalism risks seriously limiting the number and kinds of comprehensive values which may be channelled by political parties into the public political realm, and this may render it particularly inhospitable to religious political parties. Nevertheless, I claim, Rawls’s theory does offer some scope for reinterpreting the concepts of reasonableness and public reason in a thinner and less restrictive sense and this may render it more inclusive towards religious partisanship.

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The aim of this study was to characterize the transcriptome of a balanced polymorphism, under the regulation of a single gene, for phosphate fertilizer responsiveness/arsenate toler- ance in wild grass Holcus lanatus genotypes screened from the same habitat.

De novo transcriptome sequencing, RNAseq (RNA sequencing) and single nucleotide poly- morphism (SNP) calling were conducted on RNA extracted from H.lanatus. Roche 454 sequencing data were assembled into c. 22 000 isotigs, and paired-end Illumina reads for phosphorus-starved (P) and phosphorus-treated (P+) genovars of tolerant (T) and nontoler- ant (N) phenotypes were mapped to this reference transcriptome.

Heatmaps of the gene expression data showed strong clustering of each P+/P treated genovar, as well as clustering by N/T phenotype. Statistical analysis identified 87 isotigs to be significantly differentially expressed between N and T phenotypes and 258 between P+ and P treated plants. SNPs and transcript expression that systematically differed between N and T phenotypes had regulatory function, namely proteases, kinases and ribonuclear RNA- binding protein and transposable elements.

A single gene for arsenate tolerance led to distinct phenotype transcriptomes and SNP pro- files, with large differences in upstream post-translational and post-transcriptional regulatory genes rather than in genes directly involved in P nutrition transport and metabolism per se.

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The response of arsenate and non-tolerant Holcus lanatus L. phenotypes, where tolerance is achieved through suppression of high affinity phosphate/arsenate root uptake, was investigated under different growth regimes to investigate why there is a polymorphism in tolerance found in populations growing on uncontaminated soil. Tolerant plants screened from an arsenic uncontaminated population differed, when grown on the soil from the populations origin, from non-tolerants, in their biomass allocation under phosphate fertilization: non-tolerants put more resources into tiller production and down regulated investment in root production under phosphate fertilization while tolerants tillered less effectively and did not alter resource allocation to shoot biomass under phosphate fertilization. The two phenotypes also differed in their shoot mineral status having higher concentrations of copper, cadmium, lead and manganese, but phosphorus status differed little, suggesting tight homeostasis. The polymorphism was also widely present (40%) in other wild grass species suggesting an important ecological role for this gene that can be screened through plant root response to arsenate.

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Introduction.– Sibling relationships have been described as intimate,
congenial, loyal, apathetic or hostile but little is known about
sibling relationships in very old age.Weasked nonagenarian brothers
and sisters from the EU-funded Genetics of Healthy Ageing
(GeHA) project whether they had felt supported by having a living
sibling to have better coping abilities.
Methods and results.– Nonagenarian siblings were a convenience
sample from four countries from the GeHA study–Italy, Poland,
N Ireland, Finland. All were consented willing participants. Most
male/female dyads demonstrated healthy respect for each other’s
opinion and their sibling relationship fits the “loyal” type, though
with a clear sense of independence.Noneof the eight female/female
nor the one male/male dyad seemed to fit the “intimate” description;
two might be described as “apathetic”, while the other two
seemed to show aspects of family “loyalty”, alongside other traits
perhaps best described as “congenial”. There were apparent different
cultural influences across Europe with siblings in Italy and
Poland more likely to report supportive siblinghood, compared to
sibling pairs/trios in Finland or N Ireland where self-resilience and
independence seemed more common. Polish and Italian nonagenarians
often felt supported by their religious faith and church.
Conclusions.– In general, nonagenarian siblings most often demonstrated
loyal family relationships, which may have helped each
other’s coping and survival mechanisms. However, there was
widespread evidence of tolerance for individual decision-making.
Perhaps rather, these 90-year-olds survive because they are
resilient and independent and don’t need to depend on each other!

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This poster explores the impact of growing up in different socio-political environments in the border areas of the Republic of Ireland (RoI) and Northern Ireland (NI) on adolescents’ evaluations of their religious and national identities. The vast majority of the population of the Republic of Ireland are Catholic and Irish whereas in Northern Ireland, the majority are Protestant and British. 713 adolescents (NI= 415; RoI=298), who categorised their religious identity as Catholic and their nationality as Irish completed the Collective Self – Esteem (CSE) scale (Crocker & Luhtanen, 1990) with reference to either their religious (N=350) or national identity (n=363). The overall rating of CSE for the Irish identity was significantly higher than the rating of CSE for the Catholic Identity. This result was modified by a significant interaction - adolescents in the Republic of Ireland rated the CSE of their Irish nationality higher than those in Northern Ireland (20.99 vs. 19.95), whereas adolescents in Northern Ireland rated the CSE of their Catholic religious identity higher than their peers in the Republic of Ireland (19.97 vs 18.87). Further analysis of the CSE subscales revealed differing patterns of relationships according to the scale. The evaluation of the Public Collective Self-Esteem of national and religious identities were significantly higher in the Republic of Ireland than in Northern Ireland, however Private Collective Self-esteem did not differ according to jurisdiction. These findings are discussed in relation to the social context and current theoretical accounts of collective identification processes.

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This article assesses the position of English law concerning parental disputes about the religious upbringing of children. Despite the strong emphasis on both parents being able to direct their child’s religious upbringing, courts have interpreted the child’s welfare to restrict the exposure of the child to parental religious beliefs or practices in some circumstances: preserving the child’s future choice of religion, the physical integrity of the child, the child’s contact and relationship with both parents, the child’s educational choices, and the child’s relationship with both parents’ religious community. It is suggested that courts should have a wide understanding of welfare and should be wary to prohibit parents teaching their minority beliefs. This article also compares the position of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) and suggests that, despite the stronger emphasis by the ECtHR on parental rights, English law is generally not that much at odds with the ECtHR.