163 resultados para Edinburgh, Scotland


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Political support for renewable energy development, especially offshore renewables, is particularly conspicuous in Scotland and is a centrepiece of SNP policy. However, this is built on something of a paradox because, put simply, without the subsidies paid by electricity consumers in the rest of the UK, the Scottish Government's ambitious targets for renewable energy would be politically unachievable. We argue in this paper that if Scotland does move towards independence, then there could be little reason for the UK to continue paying (much) of the subsidies since the resulting renewable generation would no longer contribute towards UK renewable energy targets. We suggest that the potential scenarios, and their implications, needs to be far better considered in the arguments around the Scottish constitutional position and the broader aims of UK energy policy.

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It has often been assumed that the islands of Orkney were essentially treeless throughout much of the Holocene, with any ‘scrub’ woodland having been destroyed by Neolithic farming communities by around 3500 cal. BC. This apparently open, hyper-oceanic environment would presumably have provided quite marginal conditions for human settlement, yet Neolithic communities flourished and the islands contain some of the most spectacular remains of this period in north-west Europe. The study of new Orcadian pollen sequences, in conjunction with the synthesis of existing data, indicates that the timing of woodland decline was not synchronous across the archipelago, beginning in the Mesolithic, and that in some areas woodland persisted into the Bronze Age. There is also evidence to suggest that woodland communities in Orkney were more diverse, and therefore that a wider range of resources was available to Neolithic people, than has previously been assumed. Recent archaeological investigations have revealed evidence for timber buildings at early Neolithic settlement sites, suggesting that the predominance of stone architecture in Neolithic Orkney may not have been due to a lack of timber as has been supposed. Rather than simply reflecting adaptation to resource constraints, the reasons behind the shift from timber to stone construction are more complex and encompass social, cultural and environmental factors.

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This article describes the culture of print and polemic associated with the Cromwellian invasion of Scotland and the resistance of the Church of Scotland. It argues that print solidified Parliamentary ideas during the invasion but that it did not continue to do so after English dominance had been established. These texts illustrate the divisions between the mentalité of the Cromwellian rank-and-file and that of the rather small and probably unrepresentative body of opinion formers who sought to control and represent it.

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In this article we question recent psychological approaches that equate the constructs of citizenship and social identity and which overlook the capacity for units of governance to be represented in terms of place rather than in terms of people. Analysis of interviews conducted in England and Scotland explores how respondents invoked images of Britain as “an island” to avoid social identity constructions of nationality, citizenship, or civil society. Respondents in Scotland used island imagery to distinguish their political commitment to British citizenship from questions relating to their subjective identity. Respondents in England used island imagery to distinguish the United Kingdom as a distinctive political entity whilst avoiding allusions to a common or distinctive identity or character on the part of the citizenry. People who had moved from England to Scotland used island imagery to manage the delicate task of negotiating rights to social inclusion in Scottish civil society whilst displaying recognition of the indigenous population’s claims to distinctive national culture and identity.

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Much recent scholarship has been critical of the concept of a Dál Riatic migration to, or colonisation of, Argyll. Scepticism of the accuracy of the early medieval accounts of this population movement, arguing that these are late amendments to early sources, coupled with an apparent lack of archaeological evidence for such a migration have led to its rejection. It is argued here, however, that this rejection has been based on too narrow a reading of historical sources and that there are several early accounts which, while differing in detail, agree on one point of substance, that the origin of Scottish Dál Riata lies in Ireland. Also, the use of archaeological evidence to suggest no migration to Argyll by the Dál Riata is flawed, misunderstanding the nature of early migrations and how they might be archaeologically identified, and it's proposed that there is actually quite a lot of evidence for migration to Argyll by the Dál Riata, in the form of settlement and artefactural evidence, but that it is to be found in Ireland through the mechanism of counterstream migration, rather than in Scotland.

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The emerging tephrostratigraphy of NW Europe spanning the last termination (ca. 15–9 ka) provides the potential for synchronizing marine, ice-core and terrestrial records, but is currently compromised by stratigraphic complications, geochemical ambiguity and imprecise age estimates for some layers. Here we present new tephrostratigraphic, radiocarbon and chironomid-based
palaeotemperature data from Abernethy Forest, Scotland, that refine the ages and stratigraphic positions of the Borrobol and Penifiler tephras. The Borrobol Tephra (14.14–13.95 cal ka BP) was deposited in a relatively warm period equated with Greenland Interstadial sub-stage GI-1e. The younger Penifiler Tephra (14.09–13.65 cal ka BP) is closely associated with a cold oscillation equated with GI-
1d. We also present evidence for a previously undescribed tephra layer that has a major-element chemical signature identical to the Vedde Ash. It is associated with the warming trend at the end of the Younger Dryas, and dates between 11.79 and 11.20 cal ka BP.

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Three new microtephras are reported from a number of lake sites from the Inner Hebrides and Scottish mainland. One occurs stratigrapically in the middle of Greenland Interstadial 1 (GI-1) and has been named the Penifiler Tephra. It is rhyolitic and possesses a geochemical signature that is very similar to that of the Borrobol Tephra, which also occurs in three of the sequences reported here, but which lies close to the lower boundary of GI-1. The second occurs stratigraphically in the early Holocene below the Saksunarvatn Ash and is named the Ashik Tephra. This tephra is geochemically bimodal, with a rhyolitic component comparable to the An Druim Tephra that occurs later in the Holocene, and a basaltic component which is similar to the Saksunarvatn Ash. A third tephra occurs stratigraphically above the Saksunarvatn Ash and is provisionally named the Breakish Tephra. The consistent inter-site correlation demonstrated for these new tephras at several sites enhances the regional tephrostratigraphic framework, and increases the potential for correlating palaeoenvironmental events during GI-1 and the early Holocene. However, the occurrence of multiple tephras with similar geochemistry in close stratigraphic and temporal proximity has implications for the rigour with which tephrostratigraphic investigations must be performed.

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The Bronze Age in Britain was a time of major social and cultural changes, reflected in the division of the landscape into field systems and the establishment of new belief systems and ritual practices. Several hypotheses have been advanced to explain these changes, and assessment of many of them is dependent on the availability of detailed palaeoenvironmental data from the sites concerned. This paper explores the development of a later prehistoric landscape in Orkney, where a Bronze Age field system and an apparently ritually-deposited late Bronze Age axe head are located in an area of deep blanket peat from which high-resolution palaeoenvironmental sequences have been recovered. There is no indication that the field system was constructed to facilitate agricultural intensification, and it more likely reflects a cultural response to social fragmentation associated with a more dispersed settlement pattern. There is evidence for wetter conditions during the later Bronze Age, and the apparent votive deposit may reflect the efforts of the local population to maintain community integrity during a time of perceptible environmental change leading to loss of farmland. The study emphasises the advantages of close integration of palaeoenvironmental and archaeological data for interpretation of prehistoric human activity. The palaeoenvironmental data also provide further evidence for the complexity of prehistoric woodland communities in Orkney, hinting at greater diversity than is often assumed. Additionally, differing dates for woodland decline in the two sequences highlight the dangers of over-extrapolation from trends observed in a single pollen profile, even at a very local scale.