127 resultados para Violence in men
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Objective: To summarize the geographical and temporal variations in incidence of pleural mesothelioma in Europe, using the extensive data available from European general cancer registries, and consider these in light of recent trends in asbestos extraction, use and import in European countries. Material and methods: The data were extracted from the European Cancer Incidence and Mortality database (EUROCIM). The inclusion criteria was acceptance in Volume VII of Cancer Incidence in Five Continents, Truncated age-standardized rates per 100,000 for the ages 40-74 were used to summarise recent geographical variations. Standardized rate ratios and 95% confidence intervals for the periods 1986-1990 and 1991-1995 were compared to assess geographical variations in risk. To investigate changes in the magnitude of most recent trends, regression models fitted to the latest available 10-year period (1988-1997) were compared with trends in the previous decade. Fitted rates in younger (40-64) and older adults (65-74) in the most recent period were also compared. Results: There was a great deal of geographical variation in the risk of mesothelioma, annual rates ranging from around 8 per 100,000 in Scotland, England and The Netherlands, to lower than 1 per 100,000 in Spain (0.96), Estonia (0.85), Poland (0.85) and Yugoslavia, Vojvodina (0.56) among men. The rank of the rates for women was similar to that observed for men, although rates were considerably lower. Between 1978 and 1987, rates in men significantly increased in all countries (excepting Denmark). In the following 10 years, there was a deceleration in trend, and a significant increase was detectable only in England and France. In addition, the magnitude of recent trends in younger men was generally lower than those estimated for older men, in both national and regional cancer registry settings. Conclusions: While mesothelioma incidence rates are still rising in Europe, a deceleration has started in some countries. A decrease may begin in the next few years in certain European populations considering the deceleration of observed trends in mesothelioma and asbestos exposure, as well as the recent ban on its use.
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Queer politics and spaces have historically been associated with ideals of sexual liberation. They are conceptualised as spaces where sex, and its intersections with intimacy, friendship and love can be explored outside of normative frameworks which value monogamous reproductive heterosexuality at the expense of other non-normative sexual expressions. In recent years, however, autonomous queer spaces such as the global Queeruption gatherings and other queer community spaces in Australia have become increasingly concerned with the presence and danger of sexual violence in queer communities. Almost without exception, this danger has been responded to through the creation of ‘safe(r) spaces’ policies, generally consisting of a set of guidelines and proscribed behaviours which individuals must agree to in order to participate in or attend the event or space. The guidelines themselves tend to privilege of sexual politics of affirmative verbal consent, insisting that such consent should be sought prior to any physical or sexual contact, inferring that a failure to do so is ethically unacceptable within. This chapter reflects on the attempts to construct queer communities as ‘safer spaces,’ arguing that the concepts of consent and safety are inadequate to develop a queer response to sexual violence. Such a response, it argues, must be based on the openness to possibilities and refusal of sexual restrictions and regulations that have always been central elements of queer theory and politics.
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Background: Domestic violence represents a serious public health issue for women and their children worldwide. International evidence suggests that women aged over 50 who are victims of domestic violence are suffering in silence because the problem is ignored by professionals and policy makers. More UK research is needed to identify the extent of the problem, and services to meet the needs of older women.
Study aims: To bridge this gap by seeking to gain a deeper, systematic understanding of how ‘older women’ cope with domestic violence and how it effects their wellbeing, using a theoretical framework of ‘salutogenesis’ to consider coping resources used in lifelong abuse.
Methods: The study recruited a convenience sample of eighteen older women who are currently, or had been in an abusive relationship. A semi-structured interview schedule was used to discuss the personal nature, of domestic violence in their lives, and the pattern of abuse over time and its effects on their wellbeing, ways of coping and sources of support, barriers to reporting and accessing support, and experiences in seeking help.
Results: Living in a domestically violent context has extremely negative effects on older women’s wellbeing. Living with a perpetrator of long-term violence is predisposing these women to extremely negative health outcomes such as Post Traumatic Stress Disorder, anxiety and depression. Three-quarters of the women defined themselves as in poor mental health and were using pathogenic coping mechanisms, such as excessive and long-term use of alcohol, prescription and non-prescription drugs and cigarettes. This negative coping increased the likelihood of these women experiencing addiction to drugs and alcohol dependence and endangering their health and wellbeing in the longer term. Conclusions Public health interventions can work well from a ‘salutogenic’ perspective by finding ways to promote healthy behaviours that increase older women’s sense of wellbeing and coping. The application of this theoretical framework offers the potential for new knowledge to contribute to the discourse about wellbeing in older women dealing with domestic violence.
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This article assesses the effect that leveraging civilian defense force militias has on the dynamics of violence in civil war. We argue that the delegation of security and combat roles to local civilians shifts the primary targets of insurgent violence toward civilians, in an attempt to deter future defections, and re-establish control over the local population. This argument is assessed through an analysis of the Sunni Awakening and ancillary Sons of Iraq paramilitary program. The results suggest that at least in the Al-Anbar province of Iraq, the utilization of the civilian population in counterinsurgent roles had significant implications for the targets of insurgent violence.
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Social identity in Northern Ireland is multifaceted, with historical, religious, political, social, economic, and psychological underpinnings. Understanding the factors that influence the strength of identity with the Protestant or Catholic community, the two predominate social groups in Northern Ireland, has implications for individual well-being as well as for the continuation of tension and violence in this setting of protracted intergroup conflict. This study examined predictors of the strength of in-group identity in 692 women (mean age 37 years) in post-accord Northern Ireland. For Catholics, strength of in-group identity was positively linked to past negative impact of sectarian conflict and more frequent current church attendance, whereas for Protestants, strength of in-group identity was related to greater status satisfaction regarding access to jobs, standard of living, and political power compared with Catholics; that is, those who felt less relative deprivation. The discussion considers the differences in the factors underlying stronger identity for Protestants and Catholics in this context.
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In exploring the connections between religion, violence and cities, the book probes the extent to which religion moderates or exacerbates violence in an increasingly urbanised world. Originating in a five year research project , Conflict in Cities and the Contested State, concerned with Belfast, Jerusalem and other ethno-nationally divided cities, this volume widens the geographical focus to include diverse cities from the Balkans, the Middle East, Nigeria and Japan. In addressing the understudied triangular relationships between religion, violence and cities, contributors stress the multiple forms taken by religion and violence while challenging the compartmentalisation of two highly topical debates – links between religion and violence on the one hand, and the proliferation of violent urban conflicts on the other hand. Their research demonstrates why cities have become so important in conflicts driven by state-building, fundamentalism, religious nationalism, and ethno-religious division and illuminates the conditions under which urban environments can fuel violent conflicts while simultaneously providing opportunities for managing or transforming them.
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Principal Findings: Over the period of 35 years, the risk of hospitalization for cardiovascular diseases and respiratory diseases decreased. Hospitalization for musculoskeletal diseases increased whereas mental and behavioral hospitalizations slightly decreased. The risk of cancer hospitalization decreased marginally in men, whereas in women an upward trend was observed.
Conclusions/Significance: A considerable health transition related to hospitalizations and a shift in the utilization of health care services of working-age men and women took place in Finland between 1976 and 2010.
Background: The health transition theory argues that societal changes produce proportional changes in causes of disability and death. The aim of this study was to identify long-term changes in main causes of hospitalization in working-age population within a nation that has experienced considerable societal change.
Methodology: National trends in all-cause hospitalization and hospitalizations for the five main diagnostic categories were investigated in the data obtained from the Finnish Hospital Discharge Register. The seven-cohort sample covered the period from 1976 to 2010 and consisted of 3,769,356 randomly selected Finnish residents, each cohort representing 25% sample of population aged 18 to 64 years.
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This paper begins by describing the moral panics that have tended to emerge sporadically in Northern Ireland over the last few years with regard to young people’s involvement in sectarian violence in Belfast. Within this, while these young people have been cast in the traditional role of folk devils, the paper will show how younger children also tend to be explicitly identified and named in an ambiguous way through such moral panics; playing a deviant role as participators, and sometimes instigators, of sectarian violence but also carrying the symbolic responsibility of representing Belfast’s future. It will be shown that it is because of this ambiguous position that it is adults rather than the children themselves that tend to be held responsible for their actions; either as rioters using the children as political pawns or as parents guilty of neglect. With this as a starting point the paper then explores the perspectives and experiences of two groups of 10-11 year old children living in Belfast and the impact of these moral panics on them. One group of children, living in affluent middle class areas were found to be appropriating and re-working these broader moral panics into more general discourses of derision that tended to pathologize working class children and communities more generally. For the other group of children, living in economically deprived areas with high levels of sectarian tensions and violence, their experiences of such violence and their participation in it are discussed. It will be shown that for these children, the broader moral panics that exist tend to have the effect of reinforcing the processes that tend to segregate and exclude them.
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This paper analyses the Democratic Unionist Party's (DUP) discourses about paramilitary violence in Northern Ireland. Drawing on narrative analysis of DUP discourses reported in Northern Ireland's largest unionist newspaper, the News Letter (1998-2006), it explores the relationship between the party's identity, its discourses about republican and loyalist paramilitaries, and the impact of these words on the DUP's electoral success and on the peace process. The paper argues that these discourses may haunt the progress of peace-building, not least because the DUP will find it hard to disentangle itself from a history of scepticism and nay-saying even as it takes a leading role in a devolved Executive designed by an Agreement it longscorned.
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Speaking out about sexual violence has been a fundamental part of feminist politics since the 1970s. The practice of narrating experiences of violence, either publicly or to friends and family aims to combat the culture of silence and stigmatisation that surrounds sexual violence while also helping individuals to gain a sense of empowerment and connect with other survivors. However, speaking out also contains inherent risks, especially for young people. Survivors may meet with stigmatising or disbelieving responses, and they may lose control over who knows their story and the way in which it is told and retold.
These risks and benefits are altered, and potentially exacerbated, in an online environment. While social media may increase survivors’ ability to contact and connect with others with similar experiences it also makes it harder to control when and how their story is shared. The disjuncture between online and offline environments may also increase feelings of stigmatisation and isolation.
There is a need to explore the specific risks and benefits of speaking out online given both young people’s extensive use of social media for social interactions and the increasing tendency for support and educational services targeted at young people to make use of social media and online environments. This paper draws on literature and some preliminary research to consider both risks and benefits of speaking out online and to open a conversation about the creation of supportive spaces and mechanisms for young people to speak about sexual violence in online environments.
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Prostate cancer is the second most common cause of cancer-associated deaths in men, and signaling via a transcription factor called androgen receptor (AR) is an important driver of the disease. Consequently, AR target genes are prominent candidates to be specific for prostate cancer and also important for the survival of the cancer cells. Here we assess the levels of all hexosamine biosynthetic pathway (HBP) enzymes in 15 separate clinical gene expression data sets and identify the last enzyme in the pathway, UDP-N-acetylglucosamine pyrophosphorylase 1 (UAP1), to be highly overexpressed in prostate cancer. We analyzed 3261 prostate cancers on a tissue microarray and found that UAP1 staining correlates negatively with Gleason score (P=0.0039) and positively with high AR expression (P<0.0001). Cells with high UAP1 expression have 10-fold increased levels of the HBP end-product, UDP-N-acetylglucosamine (UDP-GlcNAc). UDP-GlcNAc is essential for N-linked glycosylation occurring in the endoplasmic reticulum (ER) and high UAP1 expression associates with resistance against inhibitors of N-linked glycosylation (tunicamycin and 2-deoxyglucose) but not with a general ER stress-inducing agent, the calcium ionophore A23187. Knockdown of UAP1 expression re-sensitized cells towards inhibitors of N-linked glycosylation, as measured by proliferation and activation of ER stress markers. Taken together, we have identified an enzyme, UAP1, which is highly overexpressed in prostate cancer and protects cancer cells from ER stress conferring a growth advantage.
Disseminated tumor cells and their prognostic significance in nonmetastatic prostate cancer patients
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Detection of pretreatment disseminated cells (pre-DTC) reflecting its homing to bone marrow (BM) in prostate cancer (PCa) might improve the current model to predict recurrence or survival in men with nonmetastatic disease despite of primary treatment. Thereby, pre-DTC may serve as an early prognostic biomarker. Post-treatment DTCs (post-DTC) finding may supply the clinician with additional predictive information about the possible course of PCa. To assess the prognostic impact of DTCs in BM aspirates sampled before initiation of primary therapy (pre-DTC) and at least 2 years after (post-DTC) to established prognostic factors and survival in patients with PCa. Available BM of 129 long-term follow-up patients with T1-3N0M0 PCa was assessed in addition to 100 BM of those in whom a pretreatment BM was sampled. Patients received either combined therapy [n = 81 (63%)], radiotherapy (RT) with different duration of hormone treatment (HT) or monotherapy with RT or HT alone [n = 48 (37%)] adapted to the criteria of the SPCG-7 trial. Mononuclear cells were deposited on slides according to the cytospin methodology and DTCs were identified by immunocytochemistry using the pancytokeratin antibodies AE1/AE3. The median age of men at diagnosis was 64.5 years (range 49.5-73.4 years). The median long-term follow-up from first BM sampling to last observation was 11 years. Categorized clinically relevant factors in PCa showed only pre-DTC status as the statistically independent parameter for survival in the multivariate analysis. Pre-DTCs homing to BM are significantly associated with clinically relevant outcome independent to the patient's treatment at diagnosis with nonmetastatic PCa.
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The androgen receptor (AR) regulates prostate cell growth in man, and prostate cancer is the commonest cancer in men in the UK. We present a comprehensive analysis of AR binding sites in human prostate cancer tissues, including castrate-resistant prostate cancer (CRPC). We identified thousands of AR binding sites in CRPC tissue, most of which were not identified in PC cell lines. Many adjacent genes showed AR regulation in xenografts but not in cultured LNCaPs, demonstrating an in-vivo-restricted set of AR-regulated genes. Functional studies support a model of altered signaling in vivo that directs AR binding. We identified a 16 gene signature that outperformed a larger in-vitro-derived signature in clinical data sets, showing the importance of persistent AR signaling in CRPC.
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Worldwide, colorectal cancer has a higher incidence rate in men than in women, suggesting a protective role for sex hormones in the development of the disease. Preclinical data support a role for estrogen and its receptors in the initiation and progression of colorectal cancer and establishes that protective effects of estrogen are exerted through ERβ. Hormone replacement therapy (HRT) in postmenopausal women as well as consumption of soy reduces the incidence of colorectal cancer. In the Women's Health Initiative trial, use of HRT in postmenopausal women reduced the risk of colon cancer by 56% [95% confidence interval (CI), 0.38-0.81; P = 0.003]. A recent meta-analysis showed that in women, consumption of soy reduced the risk of colon cancer by 21% (95% CI, 0.03-0.35; P = 0.026). In this review, using the preclinical data, we translate the findings in the clinical trials and observational studies to define the role of estrogen in the prevention of colorectal cancer. We hypothesize that sometime during the tumorigenesis process ERβ expression in colonocytes is lost and the estrogen ligand, HRT, or soy products, exerts its effects through preventing this loss. Thus, in the adenoma-to-carcinoma continuum, timing of HRT is a significant determinant of the observed benefit from this intervention. We further argue that the protective effects of estrogen are limited to certain molecular subtypes. Successful development of estrogen modulators for prevention of colorectal cancer depends on identification of susceptible colorectal cancer population(s). Thus, research to better understand the estrogen pathway is fundamental for clinical delivery of these agents.