166 resultados para Republic VI
Resumo:
Unemployment is the most significant influence on the levels of psychological dis tress of young adults. Unlike the situation for the adult population, social class and income are not contributory factors. Social class of origin, however, does have a contributory effect. Feelings of lack of control and attribution of responsibility for employment solely to structural or political factors increase the impact of unemployment. Evidence in relation to employment commitment does not support ''culture of poverty'' type explanations. Unemployed youth appear to be ''people with a problem'' rather than ''problem people''. (C) 1997 The Association for Professionals in Services for Adolescents.
Resumo:
The emergence of large-scale long-term unemployment in the Republic of Ireland suggests that it might provide an interesting case to which to apply the concept of an 'underclass'. In this paper we explore the relationship between labour-market marginality, deprivation, and fatalism. The available evidence in relation to both social isolation and milieu effects suggests that the term 'underclass' can have only a very limited applicability in the Irish case. Instead, what we ate confronted with is different types of working-class marginalization arising from the rapid and uneven nature of class transformation in Ireland and changing patterns of emigration. In relation to what we have termed 'pervasive marginalization' the costs of economic change have been borne disproportionately by those members of the younger cohorts originating in the lower working class rather than by those in particular locations. The evidence relating to the social and psychological consequences of labour-market detachment, rather than providing support for the value of an 'underclass' perspective, confirms the continued relevance of class analysis.
Resumo:
Gender has frequently been identified as the most controversial issue confronting class analysis. In this paper we make use of data from the Republic of Ireland to assess the extent to which the incorporation of women in class mobility analysis alters our understanding of the central processes of social mobility. We find that for married women their husband's class is a more powerful predictor of household poverty and life-style than their own 'class' as indicated by current or previous occupation. With regard to employment mobility we find that the sole source of gender variation in mobility chances relates to differences in the objective opportunity structures faced by men and women. Applying a measured variable model to 'men only' and 'complete' mobility tables reveals only modest differences in the patterns of social fluidity. The inclusion of women in class mobility tables requires little in the way of substantial modification of our understanding of the pattern of class relationships underlying the observed pattern of mobility.
Resumo:
As Laver (1992) notes, people who write about Irish politics frequently describe Ireland as a rather peculiar place. One aspect of this peculiarity is that voters in the Republic of Ireland do not behave like their European counterparts. In particular, Irish voting patterns appear to be only weakly structured by social class. Recent contributions to the debate employing a more sophisticated categorisation of classes have led to some qualification of the 'politics without social bases' description, but still lead to the broad conclusion that any relationship which does exist between social divisions, on the one hand, and party preference, on the other, is, at most, quite marginal. In this paper we draw on data from the 1990 European Values Study to re-examine this issue. We apply a variety of models to the data, including logit regression and diagonal reference models (Sobel 1981, 1984) to explore the complex fashion in which class and political preferences are related in Ireland. We argue that the relationship between such preferences and social divisions are, in fact, greater than has been hitherto thought. In particular, we show the importance of taking into account not only social class but also class origins and class mobility in understanding the nature of political partisanship in the Republic of Ireland.
Resumo:
This paper examines the relationship between class of origin, educational attainment, and class of entry to the labour force, in three cohorts of men in the Republic of Ireland using data collected in 1987. The three cohorts comprise men born (i) before 1937; (ii) between 1937 and 1949; and (iii) between 1950 and 1962. The paper assesses the degree of change over the three cohorts in respect of (a) the gross relationship between origins and entry class; (b) the partial effect (controlling for education) of origin class on entry class; (c) the partial effect of education (controlling for origins) on class of entry. In broad terms the liberal theory of industrialism would imply a movement, over the three cohorts, towards (a) increasing social fluidity; (b) a weakening of the partial effect of origin class; (c) a strengthening of the partial effect of education. These latter two trends should be particularly noticeable in the youngest cohort, which would, to some degree, have benefited from the introduction of free post-primary education in Ireland in 1967.
Our results provide almost no support for these hypotheses. We find that patterns of social fluidity in the origin/entry relationship remain unchanged over the cohorts. The partial effect of class remains relatively constant; and, while the partial effect of education on entry class changes over the cohorts, the most striking result in this area is the declining returns to higher levels of education. While the average level of educational attainment increased over the three cohorts, the advantages accruing to the possession of higher levels of education simultaneously diminished. Taken together our results suggest that, in Ireland, those classes that have historically enjoyed advantages in access to more desirable entry positions in the labour market have been remarkably adept at retaining their advantages during the course of industrialization and through the various educational and other labour market changes that have accompanied this process.
Resumo:
In this paper we evaluate trends in levels of economic vulnerability in Ireland during the period 1994-2001. We also document changes in the consequences of such vulnerability for social exclusion and in the social demographic factors with which it is associated. Over time there was a sharp decline in economic vulnerability. Furthermore, the degree of differentiation between the vulnerable and non-vulnerable classes in relation to both economic exclusion and social exclusion, more broadly conceived, remained relatively constant. Ireland is characterised by levels of socio-economic inequality that place it at the more unequal end of the European spectrum. However, the dramatic reductions in levels of vulnerability across the socio-economic spectrum demonstrate that the fruits of the economic boom have been distributed relatively widely.
Resumo:
Throughout the reign of Elizabeth I, a steady stream of tracts appeared in English print to vindicate the succession of the most prominent contenders, Mary and James Stuart of Scotland. This article offers a comprehensive account of the polemical battle between the supporters and opponents of the Stuarts, and further identifies various theories of English kingship, most notably the theory of corporate kingship, developed by the Stuart polemicists to defend the Scottish succession. James's accession to the English throne in March 1603 marked the protracted end of the debate over the succession. The article concludes by suggesting that, while powerfully renouncing the opposition to his succession, over the course of his attempt to unify his two kingdoms, James and his supporters ultimately departed from the polemic of corporate kingship, for a more assertive language of kingship by natural and divine law.
Resumo:
The extraction of uranium(VI) from aqueous nitric acid solutions by tributylphosphate {TBP; 30%(v/v)} dissolved in the ionic liquid 1-butyl-3-methylimidazolium bis{(trifluoromethyl)sulfonyl}amide was investigated. The experiments were performed in a Teflon microchannel of 0.5 mm internal diameter, while the dioxouranium(VI) concentrations in the aqueous and the ionic liquid phases were determined by UV-Vis spectroscopy. The effects of initial nitric acid concentration (0.01-3 M), residence time, and phase flow rate ratio were studied. It was found that, with increasing nitric acid concentration, the percentage of dioxouranium(VI) extracted decreased and then increased again, while the extraction efficiency followed a slightly different trend. Overall mass transfer coefficients varied between 0.049 s and 0.312 s . © 2012 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
Resumo:
Tea waste (TW) and Date pits (DP) were investigated for their potential to remove toxic Cr(VI) ions from aqueous solution. Investigations showed that the majority of the bound Cr(VI) ions were reduced to Cr(III) after biosorption at acidic conditions. The electrons for the reduction of Cr(VI) may have been donated from the TW and DP biomasses. The experimental data obtained for Cr(VI)-TW and Cr(VI)-DP at different solution temperatures indicate a multilayer type biosorption, which explains why the Sips isotherm accurately represents the experimental data obtained in this study. The Sips maximum biosorption capacities of Cr(VI) onto TW and DP were 5.768 and 3.199 mmol/g at 333 K, respectively, which is comparatively superior to most other low-cost biomaterials. Fourier transform infrared spectroscopic analysis of the metal loaded biosorbents confirmed the participation of -COOH, -NH and O-CH groups in the reduction and complexation of chromium. Thermodynamic parameters demonstrated that the biosorption of Cr(VI) onto TW and DP biomass was endothermic, spontaneous and feasible at 303-333 K. The results evidently indicated that tea waste and date pits would be suitable biosorbents for Cr(VI) in wastewater under specific conditions.