200 resultados para intra-party democracy


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This article analyzes the effects of gender, generation and party support towards a greater inclusion of women in politics in the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland. It explores attitudes on this issue using the same question in the Irish National Election Study (INES) and the Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey (NILT). The article documents a consistent gender gap in both polities that persists across the generations, despite controls for socio-demographic factors. It also reveals an unexpected generational effect that we explain as the enduring legacy of politicization to women’s rights during the 1970s. Support among party identifiers for more women in politics follows predictable lines, yet gender and generational patterns persist. The gender gap and generational patterns found in the two polities on the island provide reason for concern among those committed to gender equality in representation.

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The election of February 2011 was dominated by the International Monetary Fund/European Central Bank bailout of November 2010, the state of the public finances, the ongoing Irish banking crisis, and the disastrous state of the economy with rising unemployment, emigration and collapsing international competiveness. After years of phenomenal economic growth (at least as measured by orthodox economic measurements such as gross domestic product (GDP) and foreign direct investment), known as the 'Celtic Tiger‘, during which a bloated construction industry accounted for a quarter of GDP and Irish banks sank nearly a third of their lending in construction projects, Ireland has entered a 'post-Celtic Tiger‘ era. This article offers a critical analysis outlining some political, economic and cultural issues of this election as heralding a decisive stage in the 'post-Celtic Tiger' development of the Republic of Ireland, and suggests that what is required at this present historical moment is that a different development model be articulated by the Irish state and wider society.

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The efficacies of putative fasciolicides and vaccines against Fasciola hepatica are frequently monitored in clinical and field trials by determination of fluke egg output in host faeces and by worm counts in the host liver at autopsy. Less often used are parameters based on fluke size and histology, yet these can provide important indications of specific effects on the development of particular germ-line or somatic tissues, especially in relation to the timing and profligacy of egg production. In this study. F. hepatica metacercariae of two distinct isolates, the triclabendazole (TCBZ)-sensitive Cullompton isolate and the TCBZ-resistant Oberon isolate, were administered to rats as single-isolate or mixed-isolate infections. At autopsy 16 weeks later individual adult flukes were counted, measured and the reproductive organs were examined histologically. The degree of development of the testis tubules in each fluke was represented by a numerical score, based on the proportion of the histological section profiles occupied by testis tissue. The level of anti-F. hepatica antibody in the serum of each rat was determined by ELISA. It was found that Cullompton flukes were significantly larger than Oberon flukes, and that significantly more Cullompton metacercariae developed to adults than Oberon metacercariae. The Cullompton flukes showed histological evidence of aspermy and spermatogenic arrest, which was reflected in quantitatively reduced testicular development, as compared with the Oberon isolate. In Cullompton flukes, parthenogenetic egg development is implied. The size of Cullompton and Oberon flukes was significantly related to the number of adult flukes recovered, to the number of metacercariae administered, and to the percentage success of infection. The testis development score in both isolates was significantly related to the number of adult flukes recovered but not to the number of metacercariae administered, or to the percentage success of infection. Fluke size was positively related to testis score for both isolates, and a significant negative relationship was found between percentage success of infection and metacercarial dose. The results are interpreted in terms of differing interactions between various numbers of young flukes and host immunity during invasion of and migration in the hepatic parenchyma, and of fluke intra-specific (possibly pheromonal) stimulatory effects in the final stages of development, within the host bile ducts. No significant relationships were found between host antibody levels and fluke size or testis score. False positive serological reactions were found in some rats that had been infected, but found to harbour no flukes at autopsy. Clearly the act of eliminating the flukes involved generation of an immune response. (C) 2011 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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This paper illuminates the role of political language in a peace process through analysing the discourse used by political parties in Northern Ireland. What matters, it seems, is not whether party discourses converge or diverge but rather how, and in what ways, they do so. In the case of Northern Ireland, there remains strong divergence between discourses regarding the ethos of unionist and nationalist parties. As a consequence, core definitions of identity, culture, norms and principle remain common grounds for competition within nationalism and unionism. There has, however, been a significant shift towards convergence between unionist and nationalist parties in their discourses on power and governance, specifically among the now predominant (hardline) and the smaller (moderate) parties. The argument thus elaborated is that political transition from conflict need not necessarily entail the creation of a “shared discourse” between all parties. Indeed, points of divergence between parties’ discourses of power and ethos are as important for a healthy post-conflict democratic environment as the elements of convergence between them.

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