98 resultados para Neo-liberalism


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This chapter focuses on women’s imprisonment in the context of gendered punishment inflicted by the State. It considers the gender-specific consequences of incarceration for women prisoners and the potential of gender-responsive alternatives to custodial sentences. Following a brief historical overview, it traces the rise and consolidation of women’s incarceration in UK jurisdictions, noting the significance of devolution on the prison systems of Scotland and Northern Ireland. In examining the impact of neo-liberal policies and globalisation on women’s imprisonment, it draws comparisons with other advanced democratic states. Analysing the rationale underpinning the disproportionate rise in women’s incarceration, particularly in the UK and the USA the chapter identifies the persistent tensions between retributivism/ incapacitation and reformism/rehabilitation. Drawing on international research demonstrating the complex needs and vulnerabilities of women and girl prisoners, the chapter reveals the gendered harm experienced within penal regimes and the recent development - and limitations - of official gender-specific policies and practices. The emergence of distinct but related political discourses on ‘risk’ and ‘responsibilisation’ as applied to women in conflict with the law, and their consequent criminalisation, is critiqued in the contexts of structural disadvantage, gender discrimination and institutionalised racism. Within these oppressive dynamics often severe deprivations are inflicted on women’s acts of resistance both inside prison and in their communities post-release, further confining the potential of individual and collective agency. Finally, the chapter proposes fundamental change through establishing women-centred alternatives to prison, alongside policies committed to decarceration, while working towards securing the abolition of women’s imprisonment.

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This paper contributes to the literature on public-sector reforms by proposing textual analysis as a useful research strategy to explore how reform archetypes and related ideas are deployed in the parliamentary debate and regulations advancing reforms. Public Administration (PA) (Wilson 1887; Weber 1922), New Public Management (NPM) (Hood 1991, 1995; Dunleavy and Hood 1994; Ferlie et al. 1996) and Public Governance (GOV) (Osborne 2010; Rhodes 1997) can be depicted as three different archetypes providing characteristic administrative ideas and concepts (i.e. interpretive schemes) and related tools and practices (i.e. structures and systems) which lead reforms. We use textual analysis to look into more than twenty years of Italian central government accounting reforms and investigate how the three administrative archetypes have evolved, intertwined and replaced each other. Textual analysis proves a useful tool to investigate reform processes and allows highlighting that in neo-Weberian countries, such as Italy, NPM and GOV, far from being revolutionary paradigms, may represent fashionable trends that did not leave significant traces in the practice and rhetoric of reforms. These results also suggest interesting implications for practitioners and policy makers.

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Background: A novel lateral flow, immunochromatographic assay (LFD) specific for Mycobacterium bovis, the cause of bovine tuberculosis and zoonotic TB, was recently developed at Queen’s University Belfast. The LFD detects whole M. bovis cells, in contrast to other commercially available LFD tests (BD MGITTM TBc ID, SD Bioline TB Ag MPT 64, Capilia TB-Neo kit) which detect MPT64 antigen secreted during growth. The new LFD test has been evaluated in the veterinary context, and its specificity for M. bovis in the broadest sense (i.e. subsp. bovis, subsp. caprae and BCG) and sensitivity to detect M. bovis in positive MGIT™ liquid cultures was demonstrated comprehensively.
Methods: Preliminary work was carried out by researchers at Queen’s University Belfast to optimise sputum sample preparation, estimate the limit of detection (LOD) of the LFD with M. bovis-spiked sputum samples, and check LFD specificity by testing a broad range of non-tuberculous Mycobacterium spp. (NTM) and other bacterial genera commonly encountered in sputum samples (Haemophilus, Klebsiella, Pseudomonas, Staphylococcus). In the Cameroon laboratory direct detection of M. bovis in human sputa was attempted, and 50 positive sputum MGIT™ cultures and 33 cultures of various Mycobacterium spp. originally isolated from human sputa were tested.
Results: Sputum sample preparation consisted of digestion with 1% NALC for 30 min, centrifugation at 3000g for 20 min, PBS wash, centrifugation again, and pellet resuspended in KPL blocking buffer before 100 µl was applied to the LFD. The LOD of the LFD applied to M. bovis-spiked sputum was estimated to be 104 CFU/ml. A small number of confirmed Ziehl-Neelsen ‘3+’ M. bovis positive sputum samples were tested directly but no positive LFD results were obtained. All of the sputum MGIT™ cultures and mycobacterial cultures (including M. tuberculosis, M. africanum, M. bovis, M. intracellulare, M. scrofulaceum, M. fortuitum, M. peregrinum, M. interjectum) tested LFD negative when read after 15 min except for the M. bovis cultures, thereby confirming specificity of LFD for M. bovis in the clinical microbiology context.
Conclusions: Results indicate that the ‘Rapid-bTB’ LFD is a very specific test, able to differentiate M. bovis from M. tuberculosis, M. africanum, and a range of NTM isolated from human sputa in MGITTM liquid cultures. However, the LFD lacks sufficient sensitivity to be applied earlier in the diagnostic process to directly test human sputa.

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Breast cancer screening has led to a dramatic increase in the detection of pre-invasive breast lesions. While mastectomy is almost guaranteed to treat the disease, more conservative approaches could be as effective if patients can be stratified based on risk of co-existing or recurrent invasive disease.Here we use a range of biomarkers to interrogate and classify purely non-invasive lesions (PNL) and those with co-existing invasive breast cancer (CEIN). Apart from Ductal Carcinoma In Situ (DCIS), relative homogeneity is observed. DCIS contained a greater spread of molecular subtypes. Interestingly, high expression of p-mTOR was observed in all PNL with lower expression in DCIS and invasive carcinoma while the opposite expression pattern was observed for TOP2A.Comparing PNL with CEIN, we have identified p53 and Ki67 as predictors of CEIN with a combined PPV and NPV of 90.48% and 43.3% respectively. Furthermore, HER2 expression showed the best concordance between DCIS and its invasive counterpart.We propose that these biomarkers can be used to improve the management of patients with pre-invasive breast lesions following further validation and clinical trials. p53 and Ki67 could be used to stratify patients into low and high-risk groups for co-existing disease. Knowledge of expression of more actionable targets such as HER2 or TOP2A can be used to design chemoprevention or neo-adjuvant strategies. Increased knowledge of the molecular profile of pre-invasive lesions can only serve to enhance our understanding of the disease and, in the era of personalised medicine, bring us closer to improving breast cancer care.

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Selective GLP-1 secretagogues represent a novel potential therapy for type 2 diabetes mellitus. This study examined the GLP-1 secretory activity of the ethnomedicinal plant, Fagonia cretica, which is postulated to possess anti-diabetic activity. After extraction and fractionation extracts and purified compounds were tested for GLP-1 and GIP secretory activity in STC-1 pGIP/neo cells. Intracellular levels of incretin hormones and their gene expression were also determined. Crude F. cretica extracts stimulated both GLP-1 and GIP secretion, increased cellular hormone content, and upregulated gene expression of proglucagon, GIP and prohormone convertase. However, ethyl acetate partitioning significantly enriched GLP-1 secretory activity and this fraction underwent bioactivity-guided fractionation. Three isolated compounds were potent and selective GLP-1 secretagogues: quinovic acid (QA) and two QA derivatives, QA-3β-O-β-D-glycopyranoside and QA-3β-O-β-D-glucopyranosyl-(28→1)-β-D-glucopyranosyl ester. All QA compounds activated the TGR5 receptor and increased intracellular incretin levels and gene expression. QA derivatives were more potent GLP-1 secretagogues than QA. This is the first time that QA and its naturally-occurring derivatives have been shown to activate TGR5 and stimulate GLP-1 secretion. These data provide a plausible mechanism for the ethnomedicinal use of F. cretica and may assist in the ongoing development of selective GLP-1 agonists.

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The Northern Ireland conflict is shaped by an ethno-national contest between a minority Catholic/Nationalist/Republican population who broadly want to see the reunification of Ireland; and a majority Protestant/Unionist/Loyalist one, who mainly wish to maintain the sovereign connection with Britain. After nearly three decades of violence, which intensified segregation in schooling, labour markets and especially housing, a Peace Agreement was signed on Good Friday 1998. This paper is concerned with the peace process after the Agreement, not so much for the ambiguous political compromise, but for the way in which the city is constitutive of transformation and how Belfast in particular, is now embedded with a range of social instabilities and spatial contradictions. The Agreement encouraged rapid economic expansion, inward investment, especially in knowledge–intensive sectors and a short-lived optimism that markets and the neo-liberal fix would drive the post-conflict, post-industrial and post-political city. Capital would trump ethnicity and the economic uplift would bind citizens to a new expression of hope based on property speculation, tourism and global corporate investment.

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This article demonstrates how the concept of counter-conducts helps us understand Occupy by directing attention to the correlation between the way advanced liberalism works to control urban spaces and the way that control is countered through Occupy’s tactics. The first section outlines the term counter-conducts by looking to Foucault’s short and undeveloped theorisation. The second examines how advanced liberalism conducts conduct through the use of urban space, concentrating on London which comes to form a space of and for the mobility and circulation of goods, people and ideas. Occupy’s tactics directly confront and counter such movement while engaging in its own forms of counter-circulation and (im)mobility. The third section examines how advanced liberal techniques have increasingly come to use a particular, heavily instrumentalised understanding of community in order to divide and control urban populations. Occupy’s tactics embody versions of community which confront and oppose such instrumentalisation, ultimately both engaging with that control and partially reproducing it. Through these counter-conducts we can come to a view of Occupy as inevitably succeeding in its failure as a movement and failing in its success, while opening to an (im)possible
futurity of occupying urban space differently.

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Much of the recent literature on youth justice has focused on administrative aspects of the system and the socio-political contexts that have led to the ‘production’ of the youthful offender as a subject and locus of intervention. This has largely been driven by the extent to which youth justice has been crafted as a distinct penal sphere, evident in its unyoking from universal children’s services (Muncie and Goldson, 2013) and the establishment of separate agencies to administer and govern this ‘system’ (Souhami, 2014). Driven by policy hyperactivity and a plethora of legislation expanding the reach of the system, for much of the 1990s and 2000s increasing numbers of young people were brought under its gaze.

Particular attention has been paid to the impact of neo-liberal governance on the discourses, rationales and philosophies underpinning contemporary youth justice policy and practice. Writing specifically in the English and Welsh context, several authors have identified that the resulting ‘system’ embodies multiple, contradictory and competing discourses (Muncie, 2006; Fergusson, 2007; Gray, 2013). Within this ‘melting pot’ Fergusson (2007) notes the disjuncture between policy rhetoric, implementation and lived experience and Phoenix (2015) argues that systems-based analyses, much in favour amongst academics, foreclose a wider consideration of questions of what ‘justice’ actually means.

Recent attention towards the perspectives of practitioners working in this sphere has pointed to greater nuances than broader penal narratives suggest (see: Field, 2007; Briggs, 2013; Gray, 2013; Kelly and Armitage, 2015). Yet similar attention has not been given to experiences of youth justice (for an exception see – Phoenix and Kelly, 2013). However, it is precisely young people’s experiences, which would add significantly to current knowledge and potentially bridge the gap between discussions about penal philosophies, how youth justice policies are framed, how they are enacted and how they are experienced.

This chapter provides an overview of recent developments in the field of youth justice and penality in the United Kingdom. The chapter argues that a theoretical focus on macro-level trends (Hannah-Moffat and Lynch, 2012), alongside a narrowly defined research agenda, have largely excluded young people’s experiences of justice and punishment from contemporary analysis. Drawing on young people experiences of different aspects of youth justice in Northern Ireland and beyond, the chapter illuminates what a close understanding of lived experience can add to knowledge. In particular it demonstrates that the effects of interventions can be different to their aims and intentions; and that re-instating the youth experience can add support to calls for greater attention to wider issues of social justice.