Who Feels Inferior? A Test of the Status Anxiety Hypothesis of Social Inequalities in Health

The empirical association between income inequality, population health and other social problems is now well established and the research literature suggests that the relationship is not artefactual. Debate is still ongoing as to the cause of this association. Wilkinson, Marmot and colleagues have argued for some time that the relationship stems from the psycho-social effects of status comparisons. Here, income inequality is a marker of a wider status hierarchy that provokes an emotional stress response in individuals that is harmful to health and well-being. We label this the ‘status anxiety hypothesis’. If true, this would imply a structured relationship between income inequality at the societal level, individual income rank and anxiety relating to social status. This paper sets out strong and weak forms of the hypothesis and then presents three predictions concerning the structuring of ‘status anxiety’ at the individual level given different levels of national income inequality and varying individual income. We then test these predictions using data from a cross-national survey of over 34,000 individuals carried out in 2007 in 31 European countries. Respondents from low inequality countries reported less status anxiety than those in higher inequality countries at all points on the income rank curve. This is an important precondition of support for the status anxiety hypothesis and may be seen as providing support for the weaker version of the hypothesis. However, we do not find evidence to support the stronger version of the hypothesis which requires the negative effect of income rank on status anxiety to be exacerbated by increasing income inequality.

The Changing Worlds and Workplaces of Capitalism

How do the large scale structures of capitalism and the local social relations of workplaces and organisations shape each other? Through a series of European studies of capital and labour's shifting struggles and compromises; of the politics of welfare, industrial relations and labour markets; and the transformation of post-industrial networked workplaces, this edited collection shows how capitalist workplaces and economies are changing today. The first section explores how European capitalism developed and the different national forms of the struggle between capital and labour for a bigger share of national income. In the second part of the volume, the contributors investigate the institutions that are the building blocks of these different national forms, and how they are changing as labour markets are increasingly shaped by globalisation, feminisation and liberalisation. The final chapters examine how these institutions of capitalism play out in the contemporary workplace – where the most dynamic sectors are based on loose networks and external labour markets and a shifting, uncertain alliance between employers and workers. The authors argue for a new integration of political economy and the sociology of work and organisations.

Nonlocality of two- and three-mode continuous variable systems

We address the nonlocality of fully inseparable three-mode Gaussian states generated either by bilinear three-mode Hamiltonians or by a sequence of bilinear two-mode Hamiltonians. Two different tests revealing nonlocality are considered, in which the dichotomic Bell operator is represented by the displaced parity and by the pseudospin operator respectively. Three-mode states are also considered as a conditional source of two-mode non-Gaussian states, whose nonlocality properties are analysed. We found that the non-Gaussian character of the conditional states allows violation of Bell's inequalities (by parity and pseudospin tests) stronger than with a conventional twin-beam state. However, the non-Gaussian character is not sufficient to reveal nonlocality through a dichotomized quadrature measurement strategy.

Tests of multimode quantum nonlocality with homodyne measurements

We investigate the violation of local realism in Bell tests involving homodyne measurements performed on multimode continuous-variable states. By binning the measurement outcomes in an appropriate way, we prove that the Mermin-Klyshko inequality can be violated by an amount that grows exponentially with the number of modes. Furthermore, the maximum violation allowed by quantum mechanics can be attained for any number of modes, albeit requiring a quantum state whose generation is hardly practicable. Interestingly, this exponential increase of the violation holds true even for simpler states, such as multipartite GHZ states. The resulting benefit of using more modes is shown to be significant in practical multipartite Bell tests by analyzing the increase of the robustness to noise with the number of modes. In view of the high efficiency achievable with homodyne detection, our results thus open a possible way to feasible loophole-free Bell tests that are robust to experimental imperfections. We provide an explicit example of a three-mode state (a superposition of coherent states) which results in a significantly high violation of the Mermin-Klyshko inequality (around 10%) with homodyne measurements.

Income ineqaulity from 1960-2012: a brief time-series history of capital and labour

This commentary examines two principal forms of inequality and their evolution since the 1960s: the division of national income between capital and labour, and the share of total income held by the top 1 per cent of earners. Trends are linked to current discussions of inequality drivers such as financialisation, and a brief time-series analysis of the effects of trade and financial sector growth on top incomes is presented.

Green Political Economy: beyond orthodox undifferentiated economic growth as a permanent feature of the economy

This chapter outlines the main features of green political economy and the principal ways in which it differs from dominant mainstream or orthodox neoclassical economics. Neoclassical economics is critiqued on the grounds of denying its normative and ideological commitments in its false presentation of itself as ‘objective’ and ‘value neutral’. It is also critiqued for its ecologically irrational commitment to the imperative of orthodox economic growth as a permanent feature of the economy, compromising its ability to offer realistic or normatively compelling guides to how we might make the transition to a sustainable economy. Green political economy is presented as an alternative or heterodox form of economic thinking but one which explicitly expresses its normative/ideological value bases (hence it represents a return to ‘political economy’, the origins of modern economics). Green political economy also challenges the commitment to undifferentiated economic growth as a permanent objective of the human economy. In its place, green political economy promotes ‘economic security’ as a better objective for a sustainable, post-growth economy. The latter includes the transition to a low-carbon energy economy, and is also one which maximises quality of life (as oppose to formal employment, income and wealth), and actively seeks to lower socio-economic inequality. Green political economy views orthodox economic growth as having passed the threshold in most ‘advanced’ capitalist societies beyond which it has undermined quality of life and at best manages rather than reduces socially and ecologically damaging inequalities.

Parental leave regulations and the persistence of the male breadwinner model: Using fuzzy-set ideal type analysis to assess gender equality in an enlarged Europe

his paper uses fuzzy-set ideal type analysis to assess the conformity of European leave regulations to four theoretical ideal typical divisions of labour: male breadwinner, caregiver parity, universal breadwinner and universal caregiver. In contrast to the majority of previous studies, the focus of this analysis is on the extent to which leave regulations promote gender equality in the family and the transformation of traditional gender roles. The results of this analysis demonstrate that European countries cluster into five models that only partly coincide with countries’ geographical proximity. Second, none of the countries considered constitutes a universal caregiver model, while the male breadwinner ideal continues to provide the normative reference point for parental leave regulations in a large number of European states. Finally, we witness a growing emphasis at the national and EU levels concerning the universal breadwinner ideal, which leaves gender inequality in unpaid work unproblematized.

Cities and The Spirit Level: Reasserting the Public Interest in Planning Governance

Urban planning in Europe has its roots in social reform movements for reform of the 18th and 19th centuries and in the UK evolved into the state-backed comprehensive planning system established as a pillar of the welfare state in 1947. This new planning system played a key role in meeting key social needs of the early post-war period, through, for example, an ambitious new town programme. However, from the late 1970s onwards the main priorities of the planning system have shifted as the UK state has withdrawn support for welfare and reasserted market values. One consequence of this has been an increased inequality in access to many of the resources that planning seeks to regulate, including affordable housing, local services and environmental quality.
Drawing on evidence from recent literature on equality, including Wilkinson and Pickett’s The Spirit Level this paper will question the role of planning in an era of post-politics and a neo-liberal state. It will review some of the consequences for the governance and practice of planning and question what this means for the core values of the planning profession. Finally, the paper will discuss the rise of the Healthy Urban Planning Movement in the US and Europe and ask whether this provides any potential for reasserting the public interest in planning process.

Insults, free speech and offensiveness

This article examines what is wrong with some expressive acts, ‘insults’. Their putative wrongfulness is distinguished from the causing of indirect harms, aggregated harms, contextual harms, and damaging misrepresentations. The article clarifies what insults are, making use of work by Neu and Austin, and argues that their wrongfulness cannot lie in the hurt that is caused to those at whom such acts are directed. Rather it must lie in what they seek to do, namely to denigrate the other. The causing of offence is at most evidence that an insult has been communicated; it is not independent grounds of proscription or constraint. The victim of an insult may know that she has been insulted but not accept or agree with the insult, and thereby submit to the insulter. Hence insults need not, as Waldron argues they do, occasion dignitary harms. They do not of themselves subvert their victims' equal moral status. The claim that hateful speech endorses inequality should not be conflated with a claim that such speech directly subverts equality.

Thus, ‘wounding words’ should not unduly trouble the liberal defender of free speech either on the grounds of preventing offence or on those of avoiding dignitary harms.

Understanding coronary heart disease-related disability in older adults in the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland in 2010/2011

Background

Although life expectancy continues to increase in the Republic of Ireland (ROI) and Northern Ireland (NI), coronary heart disease (CHD) remains a leading cause of death and disability in older adults. Some, but not all, of the socioeconomic inequality in cardiovascular disability can be explained by a social gradient in conventional risk factors. The aims of the research were to assess CHD-related disability, and to establish the prevalence and population attributable fractions (PAFs) of risk factors for CHD-related disability across gender and socioeconomic groups in older adults in NI and ROI.

Experimental linear-optics simulation of multipartite non-locality in the ground state of a quantum Ising ring

Critical phenomena involve structural changes in the correlations of its constituents. Such changes can be reproduced and characterized in quantum simulators able to tackle medium-to-large-size systems. We demonstrate these concepts by engineering the ground state of a three-spin Ising ring by using a pair of entangled photons. The effect of a simulated magnetic field, leading to a critical modification of the correlations within the ring, is analysed by studying two- and three-spin entanglement. In particular, we connect the violation of a multipartite Bell inequality with the amount of tripartite entanglement in our ring.

More nonlocality with less entanglement in a tripartite atom-optomechanical system

Quantum effects in hybrid atomic optomechanics in a system comprising a cloud of atoms and a mobile mirror mediated by a single-mode cavity are studied. Tripartite non-locality is observed in the atom-light-mirror system, as demonstrated by the violation of the Mermin-Klyshko (MK) inequality. It has been shown [C. Genes, et al., PRA 77, 050307 (R) (2008)] that tripartite entanglement is optimized when the cavity is resonant with the anti-Stokes sideband of the driving laser and the atomic frequency matches the Stokes one. However, we show that this is not the case for the nonlocality. The MK function achieves minima when the atoms are resonant with both the Stokes and anti-Stokes sidebands, and unexpectedly, we find violation of the MK inequality only in a parameter region where entanglement is far from being maximum. A negative relation exists between nonlocality and entanglement with consideration of the possibility of bipartite nonlocality in the violation of the MK inequality. We also study the non-classicality of the mirror by post-selected measurements, e.g. Geiger-like detection, on the cavity and/or the atoms. We show that with feasible parameters Geiger-like detection on the atoms can effectively induce mechanical non-classicality.

Economic Stress and the Great Recession in Ireland: Polarization, Individualization or ‘Middle Class Squeeze’?

Following an unprecedented boom, since 2008 Ireland has experienced a severe economic crisis. Considerable debate persists as to where the heaviest burden of the recession has fallen. Conventional measures of income poverty and inequality have a limited capacity to answer this question. Our analysis, which focuses on economic stress and the mediating role of material deprivation, provides no evidence for individualization or class polarization. Instead we find that while economic stress level are highly stratified in income class and social class terms in both boom and bust periods, the changing impact of class is contingent on life course stage. The affluent income class remained largely insulated from the experience of economic stress. However, it saw its relative advantage overthe income poor class decline at the earlier stage of the life-course. At the other end of the hierarchy, the income poor experienced a relative improvement in their situation in the early life course phases. The precarious income class experienced some improvement in its situation at the earlier life course stages while the outcomes for the middle classes remain unchanged. In the mid-life course stages the precarious and lower middle classes experienced disproportionate increase in their stress levels while at the later life-cycle stage it is the combined middle classes that lost out. Additional effects over time relating to social class are restricted to the deteriorating situation of the petit bourgeoisie at the middle stage of the life-course. The pattern is clearly a good deal more complex that suggested by conventional notions of ‘middle class squeeze’ and points to the distinctive challenges relating to welfare and taxation policy faced by governments in the Great Recession.