109 resultados para divided cities


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Since the UN report by the Brundtland Committee, sustainability in the built environment has mainly been seen from a technical focus on single buildings or products. With the energy efficiency approaching 100%, fossil resources depleting and a considerable part of the world still in need of better prosperity, the playing field of a technical focus has become very limited. It will most probably not lead to the sustainable development needed to avoid irreversible effects on climate, energy provision and, not least, society.
Cities are complex structures of independently functioning elements, all of which are nevertheless connected to different forms of infrastructure, which provide the necessary sources or solve the release of waste material. With the current ambitions regarding carbon- or energy-neutrality, retreating again to the scale of a building is likely to fail. Within an urban context a single building cannot become fully resource-independent, and need not, from our viewpoint. Cities should be considered as an organism that has the ability to intelligently exchange sources and waste flows. Especially in terms of energy, it can be made clear that the present situation in most cities are undesired: there is simultaneous demand for heat and cold, and in summer a lot of excess energy is lost, which needs to be produced again in winter. The solution for this is a system that intelligently exchanges and stores essential sources, e.g. energy, and that optimally utilises waste flows.
This new approach will be discussed and exemplified. The Rotterdam Energy Approach and Planning (REAP) will be illustrated as a means for urban planning, whereas Swarm Planning will be introduced as another nature-based principle for swift changes towards sustainability

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One approach to tackling problems of division in society has been to promote collaboration and engagement between schools separated on ethno-religious lines. Based on some variant of contact theory, the received wisdom is that inter-group encounters can contribute to prejudice reduction and promote more harmonious relationships. Evidence to support this analysis is convincing; however, relatively little is known about the environmental factors that impede or enhance the potential for contact in different contexts. The importance of understanding such factors is underscored in divided jurisdictions, where separate education has been linked to the perpetuation of division and hostility. This paper adopts a qualitative approach to exploring the impact of two inter-school initiatives in Northern Ireland. The projects are located in contrasting socio-political and demographic environments, and research findings point to very different contact outcomes for participants in each. Seemingly relevant factors include the degree of congruence between school and community norms and values, the opportunity to develop relationships outside the school context, the relationships developed between the schools and local communities and the historical, political and social referents used by individuals to navigate the contact experience. The paper concludes with some reflections on factors that may help foster social harmony and on potential policy implications of the findings.

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The sectarian geography of Northern Ireland, whereby the majority of the population live in areas predominated by one religion or the other, is typically assumed to straightforwardly reflect the territorial identities of local residents. This conflation of place and identity neglects the role of place in actively shaping and changing the behaviours occurring within them. The present paper uses new developments in the area of social psychology to examine three case studies of place identity in Northern Ireland and explore the possibilities for change. A large scale survey of the display of flags and emblems across Northern Ireland demonstrates the extent of visible ter-ritorialisation, but also the relationship between understandings of space and the acceptability of these displays. Secondly, analysis of interviews with the Orange Or-der and nationalist residents concerning the Drumcree dispute illustrates how differ-ent constructions of space are used to claim and counterclaim rights to display iden-tity. Finally analysis of media and interview accounts of the St Patrick’s Day event in Belfast illustrate how new understandings of shared space can negate territorial identities and facilitate coexistence in the same place and facilitate good relations.

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Some commentators worry that a plurinational constitutional order can only ever be an inherently unstable modus vivendi. They fear that the accommodation of sub-state nationalism will tend to undermine the viability of constitutional democracies. This article enlists Ronald Dworkin’s theory of ‘law as integrity’ to show how these concerns might be assuaged. My central claim is that the expressive value of integrity can drive a divided society in the direction of an eventual community of principle, even in the absence of a common political identity. I argue that this model of political community is a more plausible prescription for divided societies than the theory that competing nationalisms might be superseded by constitutional patriotism. I go on to explain, however, that integrity has a better chance of realizing this potential if the generally judge-centric focus of Dworkin’s theory is expanded to make greater room for non-judicial interpretative responsibility. Occasional references are made to the example of Northern Ireland to illustrate my points.

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This paper examines an initiative promoting collaboration between schools located in a city setting in Northern Ireland, which is broadly divided along ethnic and political lines. The schools involved, like the vast majority of schools in Northern Ireland, educate Protestant and Catholic children separately. This presents particular challenges for school collaboration as it implies the establishment of new, connected relationships in an education system, which is historically and contemporaneously more characterised by division. Since 2007, the schools in this study have been involved in an education initiative which promotes cross-sectoral shared learning in core areas of the curriculum with a view to promoting school improvement; the additional, indirect goal is also about improving community relations. However, over this period, the relationship between the institutions has deepened, leading schools to examine how they can sustain partnership and evolve collaborative practice. This paper explores how the partnership has evolved and assesses its effectiveness as a collaborative enterprise. The paper concludes by demonstrating how effective collaboration between schools in Northern Ireland mitigates the potentially negative impacts of educating children separately, but also how effective models of school collaboration are capable of providing enhanced learning opportunities for pupils and are also capable of developing the communities in which they are located.

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In the 1980s, urban re-imaging and place marketing were vital elements in the strategies of post-industrial cities aiming to redefine their role, make themselves more competitive and attract global investment and tourists. By the early 1990s, the questionable effects of trickle-down economics on deprived housing estates and the rediscovery of the 'community' as a social partner shifted both the substance and process of vision exercises. This paper examines the experience of building an input into a city vision that aimed to address social and ethno-religious segregation in Derry/Londonderry. Designing a consensus statement for a city that cannot agree its name, was wrecked by bloody violence and has its hinterland fractured by a contested international border, is a difficult and delicate process. The city had a population of 105 800 people in 1998, but is divided by the river Foyle between the mainly Catholic Cityside (to the north and west) and the mainly Protestant Waterside (to the south and east). The analysis connects with the literature on urban policy that emphasises the importance of argumentation and democratic debate in strategic planning and local regeneration (Forester, 1989; Healey, 1996). The paper concludes by arguing that strategies for 'listening' would help to shape a vision that could mobilise community interests around some common urban regional issues and help to promote social and ethno-religious polarisation as mainstream policy concerns.

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Introduction to special feature on 'post-conflict' Belfast

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Urban planning in Europe has its roots in social reform movements for reform of the 18th and 19th centuries and in the UK evolved into the state-backed comprehensive planning system established as a pillar of the welfare state in 1947. This new planning system played a key role in meeting key social needs of the early post-war period, through, for example, an ambitious new town programme. However, from the late 1970s onwards the main priorities of the planning system have shifted as the UK state has withdrawn support for welfare and reasserted market values. One consequence of this has been an increased inequality in access to many of the resources that planning seeks to regulate, including affordable housing, local services and environmental quality.
Drawing on evidence from recent literature on equality, including Wilkinson and Pickett’s The Spirit Level this paper will question the role of planning in an era of post-politics and a neo-liberal state. It will review some of the consequences for the governance and practice of planning and question what this means for the core values of the planning profession. Finally, the paper will discuss the rise of the Healthy Urban Planning Movement in the US and Europe and ask whether this provides any potential for reasserting the public interest in planning process.