121 resultados para claims separability


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Drawing on a perspective which takes into account the convergences of sovereign and biopolitical ruling apparatuses, the aim of this article is to provide a comprehensive view of the Separation Wall constructed by Israel in East Jerusalem, and, through it, of Israeli control of Palestinian East Jerusalem. Neither a comprehensive border, nor a mere barrier, the Separation Wall which is being constructed in Jerusalem operates to reinstates sovereign power in arrays of governmentality for the purpose of drawing on the ability of sovereignty to appropriate legitimacy for the territorialisation of governmentality. This article claims that these territorialised arrays of governmentality give rise to processes of racialisation, by maintaining a grip on the communities of Palestinians in East Jerusalem and sustaining them in an intermediate position, standing in the way of their full integration into the Israeli population while severing their existing connections with the Palestinians in the West Bank. © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC.

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Abstract:
Background: An estimated 30-60% of older
adults fall every year and about 1% of falls result in a hip fracture. Hip fracture is a serious and growing problem, with a 3-10 fold rise in worldwide incidence predicted by 2050 (Gullberg, et al 1997). Hip protectors are underwear with built in protection for the greater trochanter. They are designed to prevent hip fractures by dispersing or absorbing the force of a fall. Trials
published to 2001 were broadly supportive of
the effectiveness of hip protectors, and this
was reflected in a Cochrane review in 2000.
However, earlier trials were methodologically
flawed and subsequent trials have not demonstrated effectiveness. The most recent Cochrane review describes only a marginal benefit (Parker et al, 2005).
Review and Discussion: This presentation
evaluates the current evidence for the use
of hip protectors and discusses the use of
that evidence by manufacturers, suppliers,
professional groups and guideline developers.
Interestingly, despite the limitations of the
evidence base, most advice has been broadly
supportive. Reasons for this are proposed
and discussed in the context of a critique of
evidence-based healthcare. protectors. However, the available evidence can be used in different ways and for different purposes by those with an interest in promoting
the use of hip protectors. A conservative
approach is warranted, where, if we cannot
demonstrate that hip protectors work, we
presume that they do not. This presentation will be of use to practitioners wanting to evaluate the evidence base for hip protectors (and other recommended interventions) on behalf of clients. It will also be of interest to policy makers who must assess the claims made for health care technologies as part of the decisionmaking process.
Recommended reading:
Gullberg B, Johnell O, Kanis JA (1997) Worldwide
projections for hip fracture. Osteoporos
Int. 7(5):407-13 .
Parker MJ, Gillespie WJ, Gillespie LD (2005) Hip
protectors for preventing hip fractures in older
people. The Cochrane Database of Systematic
Reviews Issue 3. Art. No.: CD001255.pub3. DOI:
10.1002/14651858.CD001255.pub3.

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Introduction: Antigenic stimulation is a proposed aetiologic mechanism for many haematological malignancies. Limited evidence suggests that community-acquired infections may increase the risk of acute myeloid leukaemia (AML) and myelodysplastic syndrome (MDS). However, associations with other myeloid malignancies including chronic myeloid leukaemia (CML) and myeloproliferative neoplasms (MPNs) are unknown.

Materials and methods: Using the Surveillance, Epidemiology and End Result (SEER)-Medicare database, fourteen community-acquired infections were compared between myeloid malignancy patients [AML (n=8489), CML (n=3626) diagnosed 1992-2005; MDS (n=3072) and MPNs (n=2001) diagnosed 2001-2005; and controls (200,000 for AML/CML and 97,681 for MDS/MPN]. Odds ratios (ORs) and 95% confidence intervals were adjusted for gender, age and year of selection excluding infections diagnosed in the 13-month period prior to selection to reduce reverse causality.

Results: Risk of AML and MDS respectively, were significantly associated with respiratory tract infections, bronchitis (ORs 1.20 [95% CI: 1.14-1.26], 1.25 [95% CI: 1.16-1.36]), influenza (ORs 1.16 [95% CI: 1.07-1.25], 1.29 [95% CI: 1.16-1.44]), pharyngitis (ORs 1.13 [95% CI: 1.06-1.21], 1.22 [95% CI: 1.11-1.35]), pneumonia (ORs 1.28 [95% CI: 1.21-1.36], 1.52 [95% CI: 1.40-1.66]), sinusitis (ORs 1.23 [95% CI: 1.16-1.30], 1.25 [95% CI: 1.15-1.36]) as was cystitis (ORs 1.13 [95% CI: 1.07-1.18], 1.26 [95% CI: 1.17-1.36]). Cellulitis (OR 1.51 [95% CI: 1.39-1.64]), herpes zoster (OR 1.31 [95% CI: 1.14-1.50]) and gastroenteritis (OR 1.38 [95% CI: 1.17-1.64]) were more common in MDS patients than controls. For CML, associations were limited to bronchitis (OR 1.21 [95% CI: 1.12-1.31]), pneumonia (OR 1.49 [95% CI: 1.37-1.62]), sinusitis (OR 1.19 [95% CI: 1.09-1.29]) and cellulitis (OR 1.43 [95% CI: 1.32-1.55]) following Bonferroni correction. Only cellulitis (OR 1.34 [95% CI: 1.21-1.49]) remained significant in MPN patients. Many infections remained elevated when more than 6 years of preceding claims data were excluded.

Discussion: Common community-acquired infections may be important in the malignant transformation of the myeloid lineage. Differences in the aetiology of classic MPNs and other myeloid malignancies require further exploration.

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The production of reports and the distribution of information have become integral to the operation of many non-governmental organizations. In this regard, the fact that the all-women organization of Checkpoint Watch publishes reports about the Israeli checkpoints in the occupied West Bank seems to comply with current trends. However, the reports—most of which are short repetitive descriptions of the banality and everydayness of the military checkpoints, counting the number of people and cars waiting, commenting on the manner in which the checks are performed and meticulously documenting what mostly amounts to minor incidents of humiliation and distress—do not seem to abide by any convention of reporting. This work analyzes the reporting praxis of the organization and claims that it should be understood as a form of activism in and of itself. Tracking the ways in which the reports address the Israeli public through the concept of parrhesia, the work suggests that this form of reporting enables the women activists to use their gendered marginality to make their way into the highly masculinized and militarized Israeli security discourse.

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In 1976, Susan Brownmiller published 'Against Our Will', widely credited as the founding text of feminist anti-rape theory, in which she famously declared that rape was 'nothing more or less than a conscious process of intimidation by which all men keep all women in a state of fear'.While the scholarship and politics of Against Our Will have been subjected to numerous and compelling critiques, the work retains canonical and even foundational status within feminist anti-rape politics. In this article I attempt a critical re-examination of feminist (her)story telling practices. By situating the story told in Against Our Will beside and within Brownmiller's story of the creation of the book and her own coming-to-consciousness, a more general reexamination of the role of women's speech and (her)story-telling in feminist anti-rape politics is afforded. This re-reading draws out two central aspects of the politics of (her)story-telling which can be found in Brownmiller's work and in the Joan W. Scott quotation above. Firstly, the need to be recognised as a 'just source' of women's stories has resulted in the granting of epistemological primacy to stories of women's experience or personal statements. Secondly, the desire to compensate for the lack of a 'classical myth' to authorise women's claims, resulting in an attempt to imbue these feminist (her)stories with their own mythology.

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In recent years, the US Supreme Court has rather controversially extended the ambit of the Federal Arbitration Act to extend arbitration’s reach into, inter alia¸ consumer matters, with the consequence that consumers are often (and unbeknownst to them) denied remedies which would otherwise be available. Such denied remedies include recourse to class action proceedings, effective denial of punitive damages, access to discovery and the ability to resolve the matter in a convenient forum.

The court’s extension of arbitration’s ambit is controversial. Attempts to overturn this extension have been made in Congress, but to no avail. In contrast to American law, European consumer law looks at pre-dispute agreements to arbitrate directed at consumers with extreme suspicion, and does so on the grounds of fairness. In contrast, some argue that pre-dispute agreements in consumer (and employment) matters are consumer welfare enhancing: they decrease the costs of doing business, which is then passed on to the consumer. This Article examines these latter claims from both an economic and normative perspective.

The economic analysis of these arguments shows that their assumptions do not hold. Rather than being productive of consumer surplus, the use of arbitration is likely to have the opposite effect. The industries from which the recent Supreme Court cases originated not only do not exhibit the industrial structure assumed by the proponents of expanded arbitration, but are also industries which exhibit features that facilitate consumer welfare reducing collusion.

The normative analysis addresses the fairness concerns. It is explicitly based upon John Rawls’ notion of “justice as fairness,” which can provide a lens to evaluate social institutions. This Rawlsian analysis considers the use of extended arbitration in consumer matters in the light of the earlier economic results. It suggests that the asymmetries present in the contractual allocation of rights serve as prima facie evidence that such arbitration–induced exclusions are prima facie unjust/unfair. However, as asymmetry is only a prima facie test, a generalized criticism of the arbitration exclusions (of the sort found in Congress and underlying the European regime) is overbroad.

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The proposition in the title of this paper is intended to draw a link between psychological processes involved in aesthetic gestural performance (e.g. music, dance) for both performers and perceivers. In the performance scenario, the player/dancer/etc., perceptually guides their actions, and acquires the skill for a performance through their previous perceptions. On the other side, the perceiver watching, listening to and experiencing another’s motor performance, simulates the actions of the performance within the range of their own motor capabilities. These phenomena are possible due to common mechanisms of action and perception, and in tandem provide the basis for the rich experience of gestural performance.
This paper reviews evidence for these claims, using examples from the domains of music and dance performance. Questions that arise from these propositions are addressed and suggested empirical explorations of these ideas are given. Further problems in incorporating these theories about gestural performance experience within Enaction are highlighted for future discussion.

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Ethnopharmacological relevance: The ethnobotanical use of Aframomum melegueta in the treatment of urinary tract and soft tissue infection suggested that the plant has antimicrobial activity.

Materials and methods: To substantiate the folkloric claims, an acetone, 50:50 acetone:methanol and 2:1 chloroform:methanol extracts were tested against Escherichia coli K12; acetone extract and the fractions of acetone extracts were tested against Listeria monocytogenes. Bioassay-guided fractionation was performed on the extract using L. monocytogenes as the test organism to isolate the bioactive compounds which were then tested against all the other organisms.

Results: Four known labdane diterpenes (G3 and G5) were isolated for the first time from the rhizomes of A. melegueta and purified. These were tested against E. coli, L. monocytogenes, methicillin resistant Staphylococus aureus (MRSA) and S. aureus to determine antibacterial activity. The result showed that two compounds G3 and G5 exhibited more potent antibacterial activity compared to the current clinically used antibiotics ampicillin, gentamicin and vancomycin and can be potential antibacterial lead compounds. The structure of the labdane diterpenes were elucidated using nuclear magnetic resonance (NMR) spectroscopy and Mass spectrometry. A possible mode of action of the isolated compound G3 and its potential cytotoxicity towards mammalian cells were also discussed.

Conclusion: The results confirmed the presence of antibacterial compounds in the rhizomes of A. melegueta with a favourable toxicity profile which could be further optimized as antibacterial lead compounds.

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We address the generation, propagation, and application of multipartite continuous variable entanglement in a noisy environment. In particular, we focus our attention on the multimode entangled states achievable by second-order nonlinear crystals-i.e., coherent states of the SU(m,1) group-which provide a generalization of the twin-beam state of a bipartite system. The full inseparability in the ideal case is shown, whereas thresholds for separability are given for the tripartite case in the presence of noise. We find that entanglement of tripartite states is robust against thermal noise, both in the generation process and during propagation. We then consider coherent states of SU(m,1) as a resource for multipartite distribution of quantum information and analyze a specific protocol for telecloning, proving its optimality in the case of symmetric cloning of pure Gaussian states. We show that the proposed protocol also provides the first example of a completely asymmetric 1 -> m telecloning and derive explicitly the optimal relation among the different fidelities of the m clones. The effect of noise in the various stages of the protocol is taken into account, and the fidelities of the clones are analytically obtained as a function of the noise parameters. In turn, this permits the optimization of the telecloning protocol, including its adaptive modifications to the noisy environment. In the optimized scheme the clones' fidelity remains maximal even in the presence of losses (in the absence of thermal noise), for propagation times that diverge as the number of modes increases. In the optimization procedure the prominent role played by the location of the entanglement source is analyzed in details. Our results indicate that, when only losses are present, telecloning is a more effective way to distribute quantum information than direct transmission followed by local cloning.

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We address the presence of nondistillable (bound) entanglement in natural many-body systems. In particular, we consider standard harmonic and spin-1/2 chains, at thermal equilibrium and characterized by few interaction parameters. The existence of bound entanglement is addressed by calculating explicitly the negativity of entanglement for different partitions. This allows us to individuate a range of temperatures for which no entanglement can be distilled by means of local operations, despite the system being globally entangled. We discuss how the appearance of bound entanglement can be linked to entanglement-area laws, typical of these systems. Various types of interactions are explored, showing that the presence of bound entanglement is an intrinsic feature of these systems. In the harmonic case, we analytically prove that thermal bound entanglement persists for systems composed by an arbitrary number of particles. Our results strongly suggest the existence of bound entangled states in the macroscopic limit also for spin-1/2 systems.

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Concern for NGO accountability has been intensified in recent years, following the growth in the size of NGOs and their power to influence global politics and curb the excesses of globalization. Questions have been raised about where the sector embraces the same standards of accountability that it demands from government and business. The objective of this paper is to examine one aspect of NGO accountability, its discharge through annual reporting. Using Habermas’ (1984; 1987) theory of communicative action, and specifically its validity claims, the research investigates whether NGOs use their annual reporting process to account to the host societies in which they operate or steer stakeholder actions toward their own self-interests. The results of the study indicate that efforts by organizations to account are characterized by communicative action through the provision of truthful disclosures, generally appropriate to the discharge of accountability and in a manner intended to improve their understandability. At the same time, however, some organizations exhibit strategically oriented behaviors in which the disclosure content is guided by the opportunity to present organizations in a particular light and there appears a lack of rhetor authenticity. The latter findings cast doubt on the ethical inspiration of NGOs and the values they demand from business communities, and questions arise as to why such practices exist and what lessons can be learnt from them.

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Researchers have argued that, depending on the framing of the Northern Ireland conflict, each group could either be a minority or a majority relative to the other. This complicates macrosocial explanations of the conflict which make specific predictions on the basis of minority or majority positions. The present paper argues that this conundrum may have arisen from the inherent variability in microidentity processes that do not fit easily with macroexplanations. In this paper the rhetoric of relative group position is analysed in political speeches delivered by leading members of an influential Protestant institution in Northern Ireland. It is apparent that minority and majority claims are not fixed but are
flexibly used to achieve local rhetorical goals. Furthermore, the speeches differ before and after the Good Friday Agreement, with a reactionary “hegemonic” Unionist position giving way to a “majority-rights power sharing” argument and a “pseudo-minority” status giving way to a “disempowered minority” argument. These results suggest a view of the Northern Ireland conflict as a struggle for “symbolic power,” i.e., the ability to flexibly define the intergroup situation to the ingroup’s advantage.

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The growing popularity of English national insignia in international football tournaments has been widely interpreted as evidence of the emergence of a renewed English national consciousness. However, little empirical research has considered how people in England actually understand football support in relation to national identity. Interview data collected around the time of the Euro 2000 and the 2002 World Cup tournaments fail to substantiate the presumption that support for the England football team maps onto claims to patriotic sentiment in any straightforward way. People with far-right political affiliations did generally use national football support to symbolise a general pride in English national identity. However, other people either claimed not to support the England national team precisely because of its associations with nationalism, or else bracketed the domain of football support from more general connotations of English patriotism.

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In this article we question recent psychological approaches that equate the constructs of citizenship and social identity and which overlook the capacity for units of governance to be represented in terms of place rather than in terms of people. Analysis of interviews conducted in England and Scotland explores how respondents invoked images of Britain as “an island” to avoid social identity constructions of nationality, citizenship, or civil society. Respondents in Scotland used island imagery to distinguish their political commitment to British citizenship from questions relating to their subjective identity. Respondents in England used island imagery to distinguish the United Kingdom as a distinctive political entity whilst avoiding allusions to a common or distinctive identity or character on the part of the citizenry. People who had moved from England to Scotland used island imagery to manage the delicate task of negotiating rights to social inclusion in Scottish civil society whilst displaying recognition of the indigenous population’s claims to distinctive national culture and identity.

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The aim of this article is to combine Pettit’s account(s) of freedom, both his work on discursive control and on non-domination, with Pippin’s and Brandom’s reinterpretation of Hegelian rational agency and the role of recognition theory within it. The benefits of combining these two theories lie, as the article hopes to show, in three findings: first, re-examining Hegelian agency in the spirit of Brandom and Pippin in combination with Pettit’s views on freedom shows clearly why and in which way a Hegelian account of rational agency can ground an attractive socio-political account of freedom; second, the reconciling of discursive control and non-domination with Hegelian agency shows how the force and scope of recognition become finally tangible, without either falling into the trap of overburdening the concept, or merely reducing it to the idea of simple respect; third, the arguments from this article also highlight the importance of freedom as non-domination and how this notion is, indeed, as Pettit himself claims, an agency-freedom which aims at successfully securing the social, political, economic and even (some) psychological conditions for free and autonomous agency.