146 resultados para Psychological Contracts


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Ulysses contracts are a method by which one person binds himself by agreeing to be bound by others. In medicine such contracts have primarily been discussed as ways of treating people with episodic mental illnesses, where the features of the illness are such that they now judge that they will refuse treatment at the time it is needed. Enforcing Ulysses contracts in these circumstances would require medical professionals to override the express refusal of the patient at the time treatment is required, something that is generally problematic both ethically and legally. In this paper I will argue that despite appearances Ulysses contracts can make it the case that treating a patient in such circumstances is an instance of treating him with his consent, although safeguards are needed to ensure that this is the case. Given the potential benefits to patients I further argue that modified Ulysses contracts should be made legally enforceable.

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To document the behavioural and psychological symptoms in patients with a diagnosis of established Alzheimer's disease (AD) for at least 3 years.

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Following major reforms of the British National Health Service (NHS) in 1990, the roles of purchasing and providing health services were separated, with the relationship between purchasers and providers governed by contracts. Using a mixed multinomial logit analysis, we show how this policy shift led to a selection of contracts that is consistent with the predictions of a simple model, based on contract theory, in which the characteristics of the health services being purchased and of the contracting parties influence the choice of contract form. The paper thus provides evidence in support of the practical relevance of theory in understanding health care market reform. © 2008 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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OBJECTIVE:

This study aimed to examine the extent to which illness perceptions and coping strategies among women diagnosed with breast cancer explain psychological distress at diagnosis and at 6?months post diagnosis relative to demographic and illness-related variables.

METHODS:

Women were recruited to the study shortly after diagnosis. A total of 90 women completed study materials (Illness Perception Questionnaire-Revised, the Cancer Coping Questionnaire and the Hospital Anxiety and Depression Scale) at time 1. The same questionnaires were sent approximately 6?months later to those who had consented at time 1, and completed questionnaires were returned by 72 women.

RESULTS:

Cluster analysis was used to identify groups of respondents who reported a similar profile of illness perception scores. Regression analysis demonstrated that one of these clusters was more likely to experience psychological distress than the other both at diagnosis and at 6?months post diagnosis. Illness perception cluster membership and positive focus type coping were the most important and consistent predictors of lower psychological distress at diagnosis and at 6?months post diagnosis.

CONCLUSIONS:

Illness perceptions remained relatively stable over the study period, and therefore we are unable to clarify whether changes in illness cognitions are associated with a corresponding change in psychological symptoms. Future research should evaluate the impact on psychological distress of interventions specifically designed to modify illness cognitions among women with breast cancer.

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Unemployment is the most significant influence on the levels of psychological dis tress of young adults. Unlike the situation for the adult population, social class and income are not contributory factors. Social class of origin, however, does have a contributory effect. Feelings of lack of control and attribution of responsibility for employment solely to structural or political factors increase the impact of unemployment. Evidence in relation to employment commitment does not support ''culture of poverty'' type explanations. Unemployed youth appear to be ''people with a problem'' rather than ''problem people''. (C) 1997 The Association for Professionals in Services for Adolescents.

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The purpose of this paper is to examine the manner in which beliefs relating to sense of control and perceived social support mediate the impact of objective circumstances on psychological distress. In particular it focuses on the nature of the interaction between such variables. The results provide no evidence favouring the displacement hypothesis whereby the benefits of social support involve costs in terms of independence. Consistent support, however, is found for the functional substitution hypothesis. The conclusion is unaffected by the introduction of distinctions relating to types of support and types of power.

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Attempts to explain variation in rates of psychological distress by social class have included reference to social selection, differential exposure to stress, and differential vulnerability arising from inequalities in access to resources. Our analysis draws on data from a national survey of the Republic of Ireland in order to examine these hypotheses. No evidence to support the social selection hypothesis was found. In addressing the issue of differential responsiveness, attention was focused on the interaction between unemployment and social class in their impact on psychological distress. While rather weak support for the hypothesis of differential vulnerability was found among women, our examination of the impact of husband's unemployment provided no evidence leading in this direction. Among men unemployment actually had a stronger impact for men in higher social classes. The major factors leading to social class differences in psychological distress are greater exposure to unemployment and economic deprivation. © 1994 Oxford University Press.

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In a prospective study of 501 infants of low birth weight (LBW) who mostly weighed 2,041 g (4 1/2 lb) or less, and of 203 control infants of full birth weight (FBW > 2,500 g), 335 LBW and 139 FBW children were followed beyond the age of 6 years and 6 months. The incidence of neurological defects was negatively correlated with birth weight, and the mean "global" IQ of different birth weight groups retained a direct relationship. While the relationship of birth weight to IQ gradually became less marked, the effect of social class was increasingly evident from the age of 2 years and 6 months. The preterm children whose birth weight was appropriate for gestational age (AGA) attained a slightly higher mean IQ and significantly better grade placement in the third school year than the children who were unduly light for their gestational age. Details of the neurological and ophthalmological defects are given, and the predictive significance of neonatal variables is analyzed.