108 resultados para Normative intuition


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Across four studies, we directly compared children’s essentialist reasoning about the stability of race and language throughout an individual’s lifespan. Monolingual English-speaking children were presented with a series of images of children who were either White or Black; each face was paired with a voice clip in either English or French. Participants were asked which of two adults each target child would grow up to be – one who was a ‘match’ to the target child in race but not language, and the other a ‘match’ in language but not race. Nine- to 10-year-old European American children chose the race-match, rather than the language-match. In contrast, 5–6-year-old European American children in both urban, racially diverse, and rural, racially homogeneous environments chose the language-match, even though this necessarily meant that the target child would transform racial categories. Although surprising in light of adult reasoning, these young children demonstrated an intuition about the relative stability of an individual’s language compared to her racial group membership. Yet, 5–6-year-old African American children, similar to the older European American children, chose the race-match, suggesting that membership in a racial minority group may highlight children’s reasoning about race as a stable category. Theoretical implications for our understanding of children’s categorization of human kinds are discussed.

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Food labelling has been overlooked in the emerging body of literature concerning the normative dimensions of food and drink policies. In this paper, I argue that arguments normally advanced in bioethics and medical ethics regarding the “right to know” and the “right not to know” can provide useful normative guidelines for critically assessing existing and proposed food labelling regimes. More specifically, I claim that food labelling ought to respect the legitimate interests and the autonomy of both consumers who seek knowledge about their food in order to make informed dietary choices and consumers who prefer to remain ignorant about the contents and effects of their food in order to avoid the emotional and psychological harm, or more simply the loss of enjoyment, which may result from receiving that information.

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This chapter outlines the main features of green political economy and the principal ways in which it differs from dominant mainstream or orthodox neoclassical economics. Neoclassical economics is critiqued on the grounds of denying its normative and ideological commitments in its false presentation of itself as ‘objective’ and ‘value neutral’. It is also critiqued for its ecologically irrational commitment to the imperative of orthodox economic growth as a permanent feature of the economy, compromising its ability to offer realistic or normatively compelling guides to how we might make the transition to a sustainable economy. Green political economy is presented as an alternative or heterodox form of economic thinking but one which explicitly expresses its normative/ideological value bases (hence it represents a return to ‘political economy’, the origins of modern economics). Green political economy also challenges the commitment to undifferentiated economic growth as a permanent objective of the human economy. In its place, green political economy promotes ‘economic security’ as a better objective for a sustainable, post-growth economy. The latter includes the transition to a low-carbon energy economy, and is also one which maximises quality of life (as oppose to formal employment, income and wealth), and actively seeks to lower socio-economic inequality. Green political economy views orthodox economic growth as having passed the threshold in most ‘advanced’ capitalist societies beyond which it has undermined quality of life and at best manages rather than reduces socially and ecologically damaging inequalities.

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As is now well established, a first order expansion of the Hohenberg-Kohn total energy density functional about a trial input density, namely, the Harris-Foulkes functional, can be used to rationalize a non self consistent tight binding model. If the expansion is taken to second order then the energy and electron density matrix need to be calculated self consistently and from this functional one can derive a charge self consistent tight binding theory. In this paper we have used this to describe a polarizable ion tight binding model which has the benefit of treating charge transfer in point multipoles. This admits a ready description of ionic polarizability and crystal field splitting. It is necessary in constructing such a model to find a number of parameters that mimic their more exact counterparts in the density functional theory. We describe in detail how this is done using a combination of intuition, exact analytical fitting, and a genetic optimization algorithm. Having obtained model parameters we show that this constitutes a transferable scheme that can be applied rather universally to small and medium sized organic molecules. We have shown that the model gives a good account of static structural and dynamic vibrational properties of a library of molecules, and finally we demonstrate the model's capability by showing a real time simulation of an enolization reaction in aqueous solution. In two subsequent papers, we show that the model is a great deal more general in that it will describe solvents and solid substrates and that therefore we have created a self consistent quantum mechanical scheme that may be applied to simulations in heterogeneous catalysis.

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Overall, this special issue provides insights into the mutually constitutive ways in which rapid economic development associated with industrialisation drives institutional change, migration and mobility, and, finally, altered relationships between – and conceptions of – rural and urban. The following papers pose important conceptual, normative as well as practical, policy-relevant questions relating to the human consequences of these processes and point to the applications of population research – a central objective of this journal.

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his paper uses fuzzy-set ideal type analysis to assess the conformity of European leave regulations to four theoretical ideal typical divisions of labour: male breadwinner, caregiver parity, universal breadwinner and universal caregiver. In contrast to the majority of previous studies, the focus of this analysis is on the extent to which leave regulations promote gender equality in the family and the transformation of traditional gender roles. The results of this analysis demonstrate that European countries cluster into five models that only partly coincide with countries’ geographical proximity. Second, none of the countries considered constitutes a universal caregiver model, while the male breadwinner ideal continues to provide the normative reference point for parental leave regulations in a large number of European states. Finally, we witness a growing emphasis at the national and EU levels concerning the universal breadwinner ideal, which leaves gender inequality in unpaid work unproblematized.

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Many graph datasets are labelled with discrete and numeric attributes. Most frequent substructure discovery algorithms ignore numeric attributes; in this paper we show how they can be used to improve search performance and discrimination. Our thesis is that the most descriptive substructures are those which are normative both in terms of their structure and in terms of their numeric values. We explore the relationship between graph structure and the distribution of attribute values and propose an outlier-detection step, which is used as a constraint during substructure discovery. By pruning anomalous vertices and edges, more weight is given to the most descriptive substructures. Our method is applicable to multi-dimensional numeric attributes; we outline how it can be extended for high-dimensional data. We support our findings with experiments on transaction graphs and single large graphs from the domains of physical building security and digital forensics, measuring the effect on runtime, memory requirements and coverage of discovered patterns, relative to the unconstrained approach.

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This book addresses the viability of the EU economic and social model within and after the global economic crisis. It identifies four key issues which warrant further discussion: (1) the asymmetry of the legal and policy framework of the euro and potential recalibration; (2) substantive tensions between the EU 'economic constitution' and its normative aim of social justice and impacts on national policy; (3) the role of civil society, including the two sides of industry in overcoming these tensions and (4) the EU's global aspirations towards the creation of a viable socio-economic model. Its chapters offer two perspectives on each of the four main issues. In drawing these debates together, the book provides a broad understanding as well as starting points for future research. Bringing together different disciplinary approaches, ranging from legal studies to political economy, sociology and macroeconomics, it is a valuable contribution to the debate on the European social model and introduces new insights by focusing on legal and political tensions, the impact of the financial crisis and other economic contexts as well as global dimensions. 

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Since the Oslo Accords were signed between Israel and the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) in September 1993, the international community has supported civil policing programmes. It has done so as part of its development commitments to Palestinian state-building. Such programmes were, until the outbreak of the second Intifada in 2000, largely regarded as successful in terms of supporting the establishment of a Palestinian civil police (PCP). Such programmes were essentially Western imported models which loosely mixed community and public order policing approaches. With re-engagement in the Palestinian security sector (PSS) in the West Bank in 2007, the international community has once again sought to play a major role in PSS reform. This role includes supporting rehabilitation and retraining of the PCP as a principal institution of state-building. Such activities alongside the so-called transformation efforts within the wider realm of the PSS have re-established as their goal law and order. Within the transformation agenda, there are inherent demands with respect to Israel and the Palestinian National Authority's security and counterterrorism agendas. This analysis examines these activities, and accompanying political intent to contend that such approaches are undermining principles of democratic policing including civil police primacy (CPP). CPP reinforces police universality and means supporting rule of law by putting security under governmental control with proper mechanisms of accountability. This article argues that support to the security sector in the West Bank has increasingly only paid lip service or sought to subvert normative approaches to democratic policing.

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Abstract. The possibility of using pumice aggregates for concrete in structural applications is discussed. In particular, the mix design of lightweight concrete for the manufacturing masonry units having proper strength, is discussed. Moreover, the design of the unit shape according to the technical code requirements and making it possible to arrange reinforcing steel bars is described. Reinforced bearing masonry walls, made with the concrete units in question, were manufactured and tests on the panels and on the designed units were carried out. For comparison, tests on concrete units and structural elements were carried out after the substitution of pumice aggregates with ordinary lightweight aggregates, proving that pumice can be considered an alternative to them. Sommario. L’uso della pomice come inerte per il confezionamento di calcestruzzo è poco diffuso sebbene essa sia stata usata già in antiche costruzioni come il Pantheon in Roma. In questo studio si affronta la possibilità di realizzare blocchi in calcestruzzo alleggerito con granuli di pomice. I blocchi, progettati e realizzati secondo le indicazioni normative correnti, sono stati usati per realizzare pannelli murari armati da sottoporre a carichi ciclici orizzontali. I risultati ottenuti, messi a confronto con quelli di pannelli realizzati con blocchi in cls alleggerito con argilla espansa, hanno mostrato la possibilità di utilizzare la pomice come validissima alternativa all’argilla espansa.

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Abstract. The possibility of using pumice aggregates for concrete in structural applications is discussed. In particular, the mix design of lightweight concrete for the manufacturing masonry units having proper strength, is discussed. Moreover, the design of the unit shape according to the technical code requirements and making it possible to arrange reinforcing steel bars is described. Reinforced bearing masonry walls, made with the concrete units in question, were manufactured and tests on the panels and on the designed units were carried out. For comparison, tests on concrete units and structural elements were carried out after the substitution of pumice aggregates with ordinary lightweight aggregates, proving that pumice can be considered an alternative to them. Sommario. L’uso della pomice come inerte per il confezionamento di calcestruzzo è poco diffuso sebbene essa sia stata usata già in antiche costruzioni come il Pantheon in Roma. In questo studio si affronta la possibilità di realizzare blocchi in calcestruzzo alleggerito con granuli di pomice. I blocchi, progettati e realizzati secondo le indicazioni normative correnti, sono stati usati per realizzare pannelli murari armati da sottoporre a carichi ciclici orizzontali. I risultati ottenuti, messi a confronto con quelli di pannelli realizzati con blocchi in cls alleggerito con argilla espansa, hanno mostrato la possibilità di utilizzare la pomice come validissima alternativa all’argilla espansa.

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This paper is a reexamination of the concept of the geopolitical border through a critical analysis of prevalent conceptualizations of borders, as they are articulated in the fields of geopolitics, political theory and international relations. Suggesting that thinking of borders as the derivative of territorial definitions disregards the dependency of territoriality and sovereign space on the praxes of border making, this paper offers an analytic distinction between normative articulations of borders and the border as a political practice. This distinction enables the identification of partial and incoherent border making processes. Consequently, the creation of borders can be analyzed as an effect of a multiplicity of performative praxes, material, juridical and otherwise discursive, that operate in relation to the management of space and attribute it with geopolitical distinctions. Furthermore, the paper suggests that these praxes, which appear in dispersed sites and in a wide variety of loci, are intrinsically linked to different spatial practices of population management, of governmentality. Thus, I offer a reading of borders as a praxis which manages binary differentiations of matrixes of governmentality, which create schisms in the population as a totality, through the deployment of the evocation of sovereignty as the legitimizing source of this differentiation or for the means necessary for its sustainment.

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A basic intuition is that arbitrage is easier when markets are most liquid. Surprisingly, we find that momentum profits are markedly larger in liquid market states. This finding is not explained by variation in liquidity risk, time-varying exposure to risk factors, or changes in macroeconomic condition, cross-sectional return dispersion, and investor sentiment. The predictive performance of aggregate market illiquidity for momentum profits uniformly exceed that of market return and market volatility states. While momentum strategies are unconditionally unprofitable in US, Japan, and Eurozone countries in the last decade, they are substantial following liquid market states.

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The aim is to explore the protection that international human rights law offers to refugees, asylum-seekers, and the forcibly displaced. The ambition of the global rights framework is to guarantee a defined range of rights to all human beings, and thus move the basis for normative entitlement from exclusive reliance on national membership to a common humanity. This comprehensive and international perspective remains formally tied to states - acting individually or collectively - in terms of creation and implementation. The norms must find an entry point into the empirical world, and there must be clarity on responsibilities for practical delivery. It should remain unsurprising that the expectations raised by the normative reach of the law are frequently dashed in the complex and difficult human world of instrumental politics, power, and conflict. The intention here is to outline the international human rights law context, and indicate the value and limitations for the protection of refugees and asylum-seekers. A question is then raised about possible reform.

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The republican idea of non-domination stresses the importance of certain social relationships for a person’s freedom, showing that freedom is a social-relational state. While the idea of freedom as non-domination receives a lot of attention in the literature, republican theorists say surprisingly little about equality. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to carve out the contours of a republican conception of equality.. In so doing, I will argue that republican accounts of equality share a significant normative overlap with the idea of social equality. However, closer analysis of Philip Pettit’s account of ‘expressive egalitarianism’ (which Pettit sees as inherently connected to non-domination) and recent theories of social equality shows that republican non-domination – in contrast to what Pettit seems to claim – is not sufficient for securing (republican) social equality. In order to secure social equality for all, republicans would have to go beyond non-domination.