100 resultados para OMEGA LIMITS


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A reconnaissance of 23 paddy fields, from three Bangladesh districts, encompassing a total of 230 soil and rice plant samples was conducted to identify the extent to which trace element characteristics in soils and irrigation waters are reflected by the harvested rice crop. Field sites were located on two soil physiographic units with distinctly different As soil baseline and groundwater concentrations. For arsenic (As), both straw and grain trends closely fitted patterns observed for the soils and water. Grain concentration characteristics for selenium (Se), zinc (Zn), and nickel (Ni), however, were markedly different. Regressions of shoot and grain As against grain Se, Zn, and Ni were highly significant (P <0.001), exhibiting a pronounced decline in grain trace-nutrient quality with increasing As content. To validate this further, a pot experiment cultivar screening trial, involving commonly cultivated high yielding variety (HYV) rice grown alongside two U.S. rice varieties characterized as being As tolerant and susceptible, was conducted on an As-amended uniform soil. Findings from the trial confirmed that As perturbed grain metal(loid) balances, resulting in severe yield reductions in addition to constraining the levels of Se, Zn, and Ni in the grain.

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This paper focuses on the revival of private property and its limits in urban China. It explores the emergence of urban property markets; urban property-holding in relation to the complexity of urban governance; “minor property rights apartments” that form a de facto real estate market and cross over the urban-rural divide; the “grey areas” of blurring legal and administrative boundaries in modern China; and recent changes to the rural land system and the rural-urban divide. The conclusion flags the theme of the city as laboratory with regard to the blurring legal and governmental urban-rural distinction.

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Signal initiation by engagement of the TCR triggers actin rearrangements, receptor clustering, and dynamic organization of signaling complexes to elicit and sustain downstream signaling. Nef, a pathogenicity factor of HIV, disrupts early TCR signaling in target T cells. To define the mechanism underlying this Nef-mediated signal disruption, we employed quantitative single-cell microscopy following surface-mediated TCR stimulation that allows for dynamic visualization of distinct signaling complexes as microclusters (MCs). Despite marked inhibition of actin remodeling and cell spreading, the induction of MCs containing TCR-CD3 or ZAP70 was not affected significantly by Nef. However, Nef potently inhibited the subsequent formation of MCs positive for the signaling adaptor Src homology-2 domain-containing leukocyte protein of 76 kDa (SLP-76) to reduce MC density in Nef-expressing and HIV-1-infected T cells. Further analyses suggested that Nef prevents formation of SLP-76 MCs at the level of the upstream adaptor protein, linker of activated T cells (LAT), that couples ZAP70 to SLP-76. Nef did not disrupt pre-existing MCs positive for LAT. However, the presence of the viral protein prevented de novo recruitment of active LAT into MCs due to retargeting of LAT to an intracellular compartment. These modulations in MC formation and composition depended on Nef's ability to simultaneously disrupt both actin remodeling and subcellular localization of TCR-proximal machinery. Nef thus employs a dual mechanism to disturb early TCR signaling by limiting the communication between LAT and SLP-76 and preventing the dynamic formation of SLP-76-signaling MCs.

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We investigate the so-called nonresonant cosmic-ray streaming instability, first discussed by Bell (2004). The extent to which thermal damping and ion-neutral collisions reduce the growth of this instability is calculated. Limits on the growth of the nonresonant mode in SN1006 and RX J1713.7-3946 are presented.

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Political parties have only recently become a subject of investigation in political theory. In this paper I analyse religious political parties in the context of John Rawls’s political liberalism. Rawlsian political liberalism, I argue, overly constrains the scope of democratic political contestation and especially for the kind of contestation channelled by parties. This restriction imposed upon political contestation risks undermining democracy and the development of the kind of democratic ethos that political liberalism cherishes. In this paper I therefore aim to provide a broader and more inclusive understanding of ‘reasonable’ political contestation, able to accommodate those parties (including religious ones) that political liberalism, as customarily understood, would exclude from the democratic realm. More specifically, I first embrace Muirhead and Rosenblum’s (Perspectives on Politics 4: 99–108 2006) idea that parties are ‘bilingual’ links between state and civil society and I draw its normative implications for party politics. Subsequently, I assess whether Rawls’s political liberalism is sufficiently inclusive to allow the presence of parties conveying religious and other comprehensive values. Due to Rawls’s thick conceptions of reasonableness and public reason, I argue, political liberalism risks seriously limiting the number and kinds of comprehensive values which may be channelled by political parties into the public political realm, and this may render it particularly inhospitable to religious political parties. Nevertheless, I claim, Rawls’s theory does offer some scope for reinterpreting the concepts of reasonableness and public reason in a thinner and less restrictive sense and this may render it more inclusive towards religious partisanship.

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A survey of the use of the term democracy in Irish politics in the late eighteenth and early ninetenth centuries

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This monograph examines the nature and significance of the re-emergence of private property in rapidly changing post-Mao China.

In examining this issue, the study explores a key dichotomy in Chinese law, that is, ‘public versus private’, and examines the manner in which the Chinese define ownership. The study stresses the importance of lack of clarity in the boundaries between the public and the private in property rights.

While there is a limited move towards the recognition of private property in real estate in contemporary China, this analysis also shows that ownership in the law, and ownership as understood and practised socially, often diverge significantly.

From the Qing dynasty reforms of the late nineteenth century onwards, ‘modernist’ law and entrenched social practice have often opposed each other. In contrast to the official, and indeed legal, support for unitary and exclusive property rights, the reality of the property regime has been a fragmentation of property rights. ‘Modern’ conceptions and theories of property rights emerged in the context of nation-building from the late Qing onwards, and unitary and exclusive property rights were considered as ‘badges’ of modernity.

These conceptions and theories served (and still serve) the purposes of control and governance but were, and still are, often resisted in social practice and popular thinking, leading to alienation and conflict. As a result, analysis of the nature and the social and political implications of re-emerging private property rights provides important insights for our understanding of the changing nature of modern China.

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Can the demos be uncoupled from the ethnos? Can there be a democratic politics of state‐boundaries, or are borders a condition of the possibility of democratic politics rather than a possible subject for those politics? The author argues for the decoupling strategy and affirms the possibility of a democratic politics about borders, anchoring the discussion in the politics of Northern Ireland. The argument turns on the analysis of public reasoning. It is argued first that culturalist accounts of self‐determination are misconceived and that political institutions, and not cultural identity, make collective self‐determination possible. Second, that the demos is constituted by acts of mutual recognition required by the practice of public reasoning, and that this practice cannot be confined with state‐boundaries. Taken together this allows us to conceive of the unity of a people as constituted by practices of public reason, given effect by institutions whose configuration is never finally fixed.

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The design of hot-rolled steel portal frames can be sensitive to serviceability deflection limits. In such cases, in order to reduce frame deflections, practitioners increase the size of the eaves haunch and / or the sizes of the steel sections used for the column and rafter members of the frame. This paper investigates the effect of such deflection limits using a real-coded niching genetic algorithm (RC-NGA) that optimizes frame weight, taking into account both ultimate as well as serviceability limit states. The results show that the proposed GA is efficient and reliable. Two different sets of serviceability deflection limits are then considered: deflection limits recommended by the Steel Construction Institute (SCI), which is based on control of differential deflections, and other deflection limits based on suggestions by industry. Parametric studies are carried out on frames with spans ranging between 15 m to 50 m and column heights between 5 m to 10 m. It is demonstrated that for a 50 m span frame, use of the SCI recommended deflection limits can lead to frame weights that are around twice as heavy as compared to designs without these limits.