186 resultados para black economy


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This article examines Pierre Bourdieu's sociology of the economy and his more recent politically engaged interventions on 'globalisation'. Many scholars regard these as not being in the same academic league as his classic studies on taste, academia, and state elites, etc., and, instead, dismiss them as a private matter or even, as the spleen of Pierre Bourdieu, the individual. This paper questions this disjunction of the 'academic' and 'politically engaged' sides of Pierre Bourdieu's work. First, it argues that his most recent interventions against a neo-liberal globalisation were the logical result of a particular definition of intellectual practice that had been outlined before in his sociology of the intellectual field. It then demonstrates that Bourdieu's economic sociology and critique of contemporary capitalism not only does not contradict his earlier research, but that it provides valuable and original insights into the current transformation of the political economy of the advanced capitalist countries. The paper concludes with a suggestion of how to strengthen the theoretical foundation of Bourdieu's analysis of contemporary capitalism by relating it to and making it compatible with alternative approaches in the tradition of critical political economy.

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Previous peptidomic analyses of the defensive skin secretion from the North American pickerel frog, Rana palustris, have established the presence of canonical bradykinin and multiple bradykinin-related peptides (BRPs). As a consequence of the multiplicity of peptides identified and their diverse primary structures, it was speculated that they must represent the products of expression of multiple genes. Here, we present unequivocal evidence that the majority of BRPs (11/13) identified in skin secretion by the peptidomic approach can be generated by differential site-specific protease cleavage from a single common precursor of 321 amino acid residues, named skin kininogen 1, whose primary structure was deduced from cloned skin secretion-derived cDNA. The organization of skin kininogen 1 consists of a hydrophobic signal peptide followed by eight non-identical domains each encoding a single copy of either canonical bradykinin or a BRP. Two additional splice variants, encoding precursors of 233 (skin kininogen 2) or 189 amino acid residues (skin kininogen 3), were also cloned and were found to lack BRP-encoding domains 5 and 6 or 4, 5 and 6, respectively. Thus, generation of peptidome diversity in amphibian defensive skin secretions can be achieved in part by differential protease cleavage of relatively large and multiple-encoding domain precursors reflecting a high degree of transcriptional economy.

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1. A comparison was made of the daily energy expenditure (DEE), resting metabolic rate (RMR) and water turnover (WTO) of two populations of Common Spiny Mice Acomys cahirinus from north- and south-facing slopes (NFS and SFS) of the same valley, which represented 'Mediterranean' and 'desert' habitats, respectively.

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We report on the optical spectroscopy of the eclipsing halo low-mass X-ray binary 2S 0921-630, which reveals the absorption-line radial velocity curve of the K0 III secondary star with a semiamplitude K-2=92.89+/-3.84 km s(-1), a systemic velocity gamma=34.9+/-3.3 km s(-1), and an orbital period P-orb of 9.0035+/-0.0029 days (1 sigma). Given the quality of the data, we find no evidence for the effects of X-ray irradiation. Using the previously determined rotational broadening of the mass donor and applying conservative limits on the orbital inclination, we constrain the compact object mass to be 2.0-4.3 M-circle dot (1 sigma), ruling out a canonical neutron star at the 99% level. Since the nature of the compact object is unclear, this mass range implies that the compact object is either a low-mass black hole with a mass slightly higher than the maximum possible neutron star mass (2.9 M-circle dot) or a massive neutron star. If the compact object is a black hole, it confirms the prediction of the existence of low-mass black holes, while if the object is a massive neutron star, its high mass severely constrains the equation of state of nuclear matter.

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It is difficult, even excruciating, to imagine the staggering descent from high optimism to despondency experienced by many African Americans who lived between emancipation and the dawn of the twentieth century. For historians living in the post–civil rights era, recapturing the scale, velocity, and brutality of that dramatic fall has been hampered by two conceptual problems. The first of these, undergirded by prominent trends in the formerly “new” social history, is a widely shared enthusiasm for illuminating those hidden corners of daily life where men and women on the receiving end of Jim Crow continued to wield a degree of control. “Agency” has been the buzzword for a generation of scholarship that emphasizes the staying power and persistence of black Southerners in the face of relentless assaults on their social and economic status, their civil rights, and even, at times, their collective existence. This is, in many ways, an understandable reaction to an earlier consensus that relegated black historical initiative to the margins of a national fable cleansed of unseemly violence and sharp social conflict, but it can also be problematic.

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The unfurling of global capitalism – and its attendant effects – has long been fertile intellectual terrain for geographers. But whilst studies of the processes and mechanisms of globalisation undoubtedly assume a talismanic importance in the discipline, geographers, with few exceptions, have left examinations of early economic liberalism to historians. One such critically important episode in the evolution of the liberal economic project was the repeal of the so-called 'Corn Laws' in 1846. Whilst the precise impact of the Manchester-based Anti-Corn Law League (ACLL) continues to be a matter of conjecture, Eric Sheppard has asserted that their particular take on political economy managed to assume a 'truth-like status' and worldwide universality. But the ACLL's campaign represents only one, albeit decisive, stage in the long intellectual and practical struggle between 'protectionists' and the disciples of free trade. Studies of the non-'Manchester' components have tended to focus squarely upon national politics. This paper examines a pivotal attempt in 1838 by Lord Melbourne's Government to experiment with the effective elimination of import duties on fresh fruit. Unlike most agricultural commodities, table fruit was produced in a tightly defined area, thus allowing the Government's experiment to play out, in theory, without national political fallout. Whilst the Government's clandestine actions left little time for a concerted opposition to develop, Kentish fruit growers soon organised. A formidable lobby was forged that drew wide local support yet also evolved beyond the original 'epistemic community'. Whilst the coalition failed in their efforts to reintroduce protective duties, their actions allow us to see how protectionist ideologies and policies were vivified through practices at many different spatial scales and to better understand the complex spatiality of protectionist takes on political economy. Their campaign also changed – at least in the short term – the course of British mercantile policy.